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TURKISH DYNASTY OF BIJAPUR

improved that a year after his accession Ibrahim was invited

to (^) intervene in the internal aifairs of the Hindu state, thrown into (^) disorder by disputes regarding the succession to the

throne. The rival claimants were Ramraj, the son of Turima,

and Bhoj Tirumal Rai, a representative of the former dynasty.

The latter appealed to Ibrahim for assistance, in return for

which he promised to acknowledge himself tributary to Bijapur

and to pay a handsome sum for the expenses of the expedi-

tionary force. Ibrahim, on the advice of Asad Khan, accepted

the (^) offer, and on arriving at Vijayanagar with his army was lavishly entertained (^) by Tirumal Rai. This betrayal (^) of the interests of the State naturally strengthened the cause of Ramraj and made all the most powerful Hindu rajas rally

round his standard. Tirumal Rai committed suicide,^ and

Ibrahim, shortly after his return from Vijayanagar, found

himself involved in a war with Ramraj. This, however, was

not of long duration, and after an indecisive battle the two

belligerents came to terms.

The drastic changes which Ibrahim had made at his court

encouraged the intriguers to stir up ill-blood^ between^ the

Sultan (^) and his faithful minister, with so much success that Asad Khan fearing for his life thought it prudent to retire to

his Belgaum estates. The strained relations between the

Sultan and his most able general soon became the common talk of the Dekhan, and Amir Berid, now ruling at Bidar, and Burhan Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar, Ibrahim's uncle, joined

forces and marched to lay siege to BijapUr,^ partly^ with a^ view

of wiping off old scores, and partly to win back certain districts

round (^) Sholapur which had been disputed territory for many

years. On the way they passed through the jagir^ of^ Asad

Khan, who thought it politic to make a^ pretence^ of^ joining

hands with them, but secretly despatched^ a^ trusted^ messenger

to Ismail Shah of Berar, another^ of^ Ibrahim's^ uncles^ by^ mar-

riage, asking him to come to^ his^ sovereign's^ aid.^ As^ soon as the Berar army moved^ to^ attack^ Kulbarga^ Asad^ Khan

joined it and Bijapflr was^ relieved.^ This^ signal^ proof^ of^ Asad

Khan's loyalty^ brought^ about^ a^ reconciliation^ between^ him^ and

ARYAN RULE IN INDIA

Ibrahim, and peace between Bijapur and its northern rivals

was hastened by the sudden death of Amir Berid. Foiled in

his plans (^) by this turn of events, the Shah of Ahmadnagar now

formed an alliance with the Raja of Vijayanagar and the Shah

of Golconda. Ibrahim was now attacked from the north,

south, and east. In this predicament he again sought counsel

with Asad Khan, and acting on his advice succeeded in

breaking up the cotrfederacy by ceding the disputed Sholapur

districts to Burhan Nizam Shah and making^ some^ concessions to the Raja of Vijayanagar. Asad Khan then marched against

the Shah of Golconda, and after punishing him severely

returned in triumph to Bijapur.

The Ahmadnagar^ Shah,^ however,^ encouraged^ by^ his^ partial

success, soon renewed hostilities and attempted to^ seize^ the

former capital of the Bahmani Sultans, Kulbarga,^ which^ was

now a part of the Bijapur possessions^ ; but^ Ibrahim^ with^ Asad

Khan's assistance^ inflicted^ a^ severe^ defeat^ upon^ him,^ capturing

250 elephants^ and^170 cannon,^ besides^ Burhan^ Nizam^ Shah's camp equipage and royal insignia.^ Elated^ by^ this^ victory, Ibrahim began to create^ new^ enemies^ at^ home^ by^ his^ tyrannical conduct towards^ his^ own^ subjects,^ and^ so^ disgusted^ both^ his Musalman officers and the Brahman^ civilians^ that^ a^ conspiracy

was formed to dethrone^ him^ in^ favour^ of his^ brother,^ Abdulla.

The plot^ was^ discovered^ and^ Abdulla^ fled^ to^ Goa,^ where^ he

was well received by the^ Portuguese.^ Ibrahim^ vented^ his

rage upon the Brahman^ police^ officials,^ several^ of^ whom^ were

put to death^ with^ excruciating^ tortures^ in^ the^ great^ square^ of

Bijapur. His^ inveterate^ suspicions^ of^ Asad^ Khan^ revived,

and again the old general^ retired^ in^ disgust^ to^ his^ Belgaum

jagir.

In the meantime^ Burhan^ Nizam^ Shah^ had^ been^ busy^ in

aggravating his nephew's^ troubles^ by^ laying^ waste^ the^ Bijapur

territories and infficting^ several^ defeats^ upon^ Ibrahim's^ armies,

while the Portuguese,^ whose^ trade^ with^ Southern^ India^ was

menaced by the^ hostility^ of^ Bijapilr,^ did^ their^ best^ to^ add^ fuel

to the^ fire.^ Abdulla^ from^ his^ safe^ retreat^ at^ Goa^ entered^ into

negotiations with^ Burhan^ Nizam^ Shah^ to^ obtain^ the^ latter's

ARYAN RULE IN INDIA

in patching up a peace with his son and successor, Husain

Nizam (^) Shah, who was Burhan's son by his favourite wife, a

dancing-girl called Amina. At the same time Ibrahim made,

as before, a temporary accommodation with the Raja of

Vijayanagar, who having no reason to love his Musalman

alUes was strictly opportunist in his poHcy. Ibrahim's next

move was to attempt to recover the much-prized districts (^) of Sholapur (^) by playing with conspirators at the Ahmadnagar court who wished (^) to supplant Husain by his half-brother, Ali,

son of the late Shah of Ahmadnagar by the Princess Miriam

of Bijapur. He succeeded in bringing over to his camp a

powerful ally in the person of Burhan Nizam Shah's late

commander-in-chief, Ain-ul-Mulk, (^) but Ibrahim's suspicions and violent character soon made an enemy of him, and after

being defeated both by Husain Nizam Shah and by the rebel

general, the Sultan of Bijapur^ was again^ besieged in^ his^ capital

and compelled to appeal to his Hindu neighbours for help.

Ramraj responded to the call and put the besieging army to

flight. Ibrahim soon afterwards^ ended^ his^ days^ in^ a^ prolonged

fit of rage, during which he caused several of the court physi-

cians to be executed and others to be trodden^ under^ the^ feet

of elephants. The^ rest^ of^ the^ medical^ profession^ of^ Bijapur

fled precipitately^ from^ the^ city^ to escape^ similar^ treatment.

CHAPTER X

FALL OF VIJAYANAGAR

AIvI 'ADII^^ SHAH,^ Ibrahim's^ son,^ ascended^ the^ throne

of Bijapur in 1557, an operation performed with less

dif&culty than (^) was usual in (^) Muhammadan courts of

the period, as he had carefully prepared for the event of his

father's death, and the partisans of the Shiah sect to which

he belonged rallied round his standard immediately it was

raised. The Khutba, or prayer for the Sultan, was read in

the mosques according to the Shiah formula as in the days

of his grandfather, Ismail ' Adil Shah, and forty persons followed

in the new Sidtan's train wherever he appeared abroad to utter

curses against the Sahiba,^ a custom calculated^ to arouse the

fanatical spirit of the two chief Muhammadan sects.

Ali 'Adil Shah's next step was to strengthen his somewhat

precarious position by sending ambassadors to negotiate both

with his father's aUy, the Raja of Vijayanagar,^ and^ with the

inveterate enemy of^ Bijapur,^ the^ Shah^ of^ Ahmadnagar.^ Ramraj responded in the most friendly spirit, while Husain Nizam Shah,

viewing the overtures merely as an attempt to recover the

territory which Ibrahim had^ lost,^ treated^ the^ envoys^ with

marked coldness.^ Ali^ 'Adil^ Shah^ accordingly^ began^ to^ cultivate

assiduously the^ friendship^ of^ his^ powerful^ Hindu^ neighbour.

On the death of Ramraj 's son and heir, he went with^ an escort

of only one hundred horse to express his^ condolences^ in^ person.

The Raja received the Sultan with^ the^ greatest^ respect,^ and

the Rani, touched by Ali^ 'Adil^ Shah's^ professions^ of^ sympathy,

adopted him as her son.^ After^ staying^ three^ days^ as^ an

honoured guest the Sultan^ took^ his^ leave.^ Ramraj^ did^ not,

(^1) The first three Khalifs, who were the means (^) of excluding Ali from (^) the succession.

FALL OF VIJAYANAGAR

whicli the Musalman monarchs pretended^ to^ regard^ as^ an

insolent encroachment on^ the^ rights^ of^ Islam.

Ramraj withdrew^ his^ army^ to^ Vijayanagar,^ and^ Ali^ 'Adil

Shah svLmmoned a coundl to consider measures for the protec-

tion of the faithfvil^ against^ the oppression of the infidel. It

was agreed that it^ was meritorious^ and highly^ poHtic to destroy

the power^ of the common^ enemy^ of^ all^ the^ Musalman monarchs of the Dekhan (^) ; but the great economic resources of Southern

India enabled Ramraj to maintain armies of such strength

that none of the Musalman kingdoms could hope to contend against him singly. It was necessary to form a Pan-Islamic league, so that the strength^ of^ the united^ armies^ of the^ Dekhan

cotild be brought^ into^ the^ field.^ Ali^ 'Adil^ Shah^ then^ sounded

Ibrahim Qutb Shah as to the possibility of such a league, and

the Golconda Shah, deUghted with the proposal, sent an envoy

to Ahmadnagar.^ Husaiu^ Nizam^ Shah^ was^ naturally^ pleased

with the prospect of breaking up the powerful confederacy

against himself and promptly agreed to a treaty of eternal

friendship with Bijapur. The terms of the treaty were^ that

his daughter, Chand^ Bibi,^ should^ be^ given^ in^ marriage^ to^ Ali

'Adil Shah, with the fortress of Sholapur as dowry—an arrange-

ment which settled the chronic disputes between Ahmadnagar

and Bijapur ; secondly, that Ali^ 'Adil^ Shah's sister, Hadia

Sultana, should marry^ Husain's^ eldest^ son,^ Prince^ Mutarza

;

and, thirdly,^ that^ all^ the^ new^ alUes^ should^ march^ against

Ramraj at the earliest possible moment.

As soon as the diplomatists had brought^ the negotiations

to this highly^ satisfactory^ conclusion,^ AH^ 'Adil^ Shah^ immediately

made his^ preparations^ for^ war^ and^ broke with^ his^ old^ ally^ by sending an envoy with a demand for the restoration^ of^ Mudkal,

Raichor, and other forts which^ had^ formerly^ belonged^ to

Bijapur. Ramraj 's indignant^ refusal^ was,^ of^ course,^ the^ casus

belli which diplomatic^ etiquette^ required.^ The^ allies^ marshalled

their armies^ on^ the^ plains^ outside^ Bijapur^ in^ December^ 1564,

and shortly afterwards^ the^ great^ decisive^ battle^ was^ fought

near Talikota, on the banks of the Krishna.^ Ramraj,^ then

seventy years of age, showed conspicuous courage^ ; at^ one

2C 401

ARYAN RULE IN INDIA

time it seemed (^) as if the Hindus had won the (^) day, for Ali 'Adil

Shah and his confederate of Golconda prepared to retreat.

But at the crisis of the battle Ramraj was surrounded and

taken prisoner. He was brought before Husain Nizam Shah,

who immediately (^) ordered his head to be cut off (^) and exhibited

on a long spear in front of the enemy. The Hindus were panic-

stricken at the death of their Raja and fled in disorder. The

usual massacre of the infidel followed. One hundred thousand,

says Ferishta, were slain during the battle and in the pursuit

afterwards. The same authority explains that the disaster to

the Vijayanagar army was due to an unruly elephant, but a

European traveller, Caesar Frederick, (^) who visited Vijayanagar

two years after the battle, was told that it was caused by the

treachery (^) of the Raja's Muhammadan officers, which under

all the circumstances seems more probable, for it is tmHkely

that Ali 'Adil Shah and his confederates neglected obvious

measures for tampering with the loyalty of Ramraj's Musalman

body-guard.

The sack of Vijayanagar which followed the battle of Talikota

revived the glorious memories of Mahmud of Ghazni. It was

one of the most populous and richest cities of Asia. Paez, the

Portuguese traveller,^ who^ visited^ it^ early^ in^ the^ sixteenth century, describes it as being "^ as large as Rome and very

beautiful to the sight." It was a garden city, laid out accord-

ing to the^ old^ Indian^ traditions^ with^ spacious^ parks^ and

orchards. There were, he said, "^ many groves of trees within it and many conduits of water which flow into the midst of it,

and in places there are lakes ; and the^ King has^ close to^ his

palace a palm-grove and other rich-bearing fruit-trees." Below

the quarter set apart for the Raja's Muhammadan body-guard

there was a little^ river, and^ on^ this^ side^ there^ were^ many orchards and gardens with many fruit-trees, for the most part mangoes and areca-palms and jack-trees, but also many hme-

and orange-trees, growing so closely to^ one^ another^ that^ the

quarter looked Hke a thick forest. He noticed also the cultiva-

tion of white grapes. Paez was greatly impressed by the

density of the population—no' troops,^ horse^ or foot, he^ said,

ARYAN RULE IN INDIA

religion was often used as the most convenient peg for hanging

them on. It is most significant that in this ' holy war ' of the

Muhammadan rulers of the Dekhan the Hindu cavalry of

Maharashtra continued to serve the Sultan of Bijapur.

The constant appeals (^) of Muhammadan writers to the sanction

of the Almighty for the acts of the political leaders of Islam

tend to confuse the real differences of thought and of tempera-

ment which, after three centuries of close contact, continued

to bring Hindus and Musalmans into deadly conflict with each

other. (^) In both communities there (^) were men of the highest religious ideals, (^) but the facts disclosed (^) by Muhammadan his-

torians show that the differences between them were socio-

logical and political rather than religious. Islam was an

individualistic cult, and especially a protest against the

restraints which an older and more developed civilisation

in the interest of the whole community—^placed upon indi-

vidual (^) liberty. In theory, at least, all men within the fold

of Islam were equal. The reward of the faithful was an

unbounded enjoyment of the present life and Paradise here-

after, and a part of this reward was the right to rule over all

who were not of the fold, so that they too might (^) increase

the happiness and wealth of the elect. The rules of conduct

which regulated Musalman society did not necessarily apply

to the^ treatment^ of^ non-Mvisalmans.^ Such^ rights^ as the

latter, individually or collectively, might possess were of the

nature of benevolences contingent upon their good behaviour

and the will^ of God, represented by the^ sword^ of Islam.

The Musalman political code was a sanctification of the

doctrine that might is right. The Sultan's slave was a divinely

appointed ruler, provided that he could wield the sword better

than his master and produce a pedigree^ proving^ his^ descent

from the Prophet. Pedigrees of this kind were as easily fur-

nished as the family portraits of the modern nouveaux riches

;

and the divine authority which put no limit to the ambitions

of a successful general made a virtue of conspiracy against the

throne and multiplied petty autocracies indefinitely. The

Hindu political system, built upon the bedrock of the free

HINDU Of MUHAMMADAN POLITICS

village community, was essentially an imperial democracy.

Whether it was a^ great^ empire^ or^ a^ petty^ kingdom^ it^ never

lost the democratic character which belonged to it. The

Muhammadan system, based upon a fiction of social freedom, gave a slave leave to rule the world, but took away from the

community its liberty and right of self-government. These

were the vital points at issue between Hindu and Muhammadan states. On both sides religious principles (^) were involved, but not

those upon which Brahmans and mullas disputed. It needed

a statesman of Akbar's genius to reconcile the differences. The sovereign in both the Hindu and Muhammadan political

systems was the representative of divine justice, but in the

opinion of most Muhammadan (^) writers of the period a liberal and fair distribution of the spoils of war among the elect covered a multitude of moral failings. The stain upon Mahmud

of Ghazni's character was not that he massacred tens of

thousands of non-combatants, (^) but that he kept too much of

the spoil for himself. The grave offence of the Raja of Vija-

yanagar was not that he was an infidel, but that being such he

was more wealthy and powerful than (^) any Muhammadan (^) ruler in the Dekhan. He was also a high-caste Hindu whose social etiquette was a standing offence to the feelings of the Musalman freeman, however much he might try to avoid hurting them.

The quarrels^ between^ the^ different^ Musalman^ rulers had as

little to do with sectarian differences of the mullas. The Turk

hated the Mogul, the Afghan the Turk, the Abyssinian the

Arab, and the native-born Musalman all the foreign mercenaries

who had no root in the^ soil^ but boasted^ of^ their^ martial^ deeds

and claimed the Hon's share of the booty. The great problem

of Mvisalman statecraft in the Dekhan was to reconcile the conflicting interests of the different military factions, rather

than to steer straight between^ Sunni^ and^ Shiah^ sectarians.

The effect of the Musalman^ political^ creed^ upon^ Hindu^ social

life was twofold : it increased the rigour of the caste system

and aroused a revolt against it. The alluring prospect which

it held out to the lower strata of Hindu society was as tempting

as it was to the Bedouins of the desert and the nomads of

»^ Vi/ **>

4i w

ARYAN RULE IN INDIA

returned to their usual life. The victories of the Musalman

warriors, which formed the theme of the court poet and his-

torian, were unnoticed in the records of the village handed

down (^) in song and story from one (^) generation to another. The

village kathaks still sang the praises of Rama and Krishna

and of the heroes of the Mahabharata, of Vikramaditya and

Prithivi-raja ; and though the gossip of the Sultan's court

might often (^) circulate among the (^) crowd of Usteners gathered

under the pipal-tree or in the temple mandapam, yet the

devoted loves of Satyavana and Savitri, of Nala and Damayanti,

the constancy of King Shivi and the trials of Prahlada, told

and retold to countless generations of villagers, never lost

their interest. Foreign jargon, borrowed from the language

of the court, crept into the vernaculars (^) ; but these importations

were all related to camp and city life—^the language of the

countryside remained unaltered. ^

It must not be supposed, however, that Islam in India

appropriated all the civic culture which had been developed

during the many previous centuries of Indo-Aryan rule. In

the deeper sense India was never conquered. Islam seized

her political capitals, controlled her military forces, and appro-

priated her revenues, but India retained what she cherished

most, her intellectual empire, and her soul was never subdued.

Her great university cities lost to a great extent their political

influence ; some changed their sites, as they had often done

before ; others, like Benares, Kanchi, and NQdiah, were less

populous and wealthy, but remained as the historic seats of

Hindu learning. M^ahayana Buddhism removed its intellectual

centre to Southern China. Nalanda and Taksha-sila crumbled

into dust ; but Hindu pandits in the Sanskrit Tols continued

the pious work of the Buddhist monks, and throughout the

Muhammadan period these centres of intellectual India pro-

duced a succession of great teachers to hand on the torch of

Indo-Aryan wisdom to posterity.

(^1) D. C. Sen, History (^) of Bengali Language and Literature, (^) pp. 382-383. The statement quoted relates only to village life in Bengal, but it is iindoubtedly applicable to the greater part of India.

CHAITANYA

And, excluding the small minority of the military classes

attached to the soil who took service under the foreign con-

querors and adopted their religion, the spiritual^ life^ of^ the

village was totally imaffected by the change of rulers, except

that the employment (^) of Brahmans as the agents of Muham- madan revenue administration (^) placed in their hands more

power over the village communities and certainly tended to

lower the high ideals of the Brahmanical order, even though

the good sense of the people could easily discriminate between

the excisemen and their spiritual teachers. In educational

matters the Muhammadan rulers with few exceptions left the

in&dels to their own heretical devices—^the schools they estab-

lished were only for true believers. But the court language,

Persian, (^) was taught to Hindu children in some of their own village (^) schools for the same reason as English is now taught, because it was the (^) medium of communication between the

people and the ruling powers, and because it opened the door

to official employment.

Every Hindu (^) village had its own schoolmaster, whose income

was derived either from the lands assigned for the upkeep of

the temple or from a fixed share in the village harvest. Gene-

rally the schoolmaster was also the village priest and Brahman

;

and as every Hindu teacher would regard all knowledge as

reUgious, so the elementary instruction in reading, writing, and

arithmetic, and perhaps Sanskrit grammar and poetry, given

in the village schools was invariably of a religious character,

though the higher spiritual truths were reserved for the Sanskrit

Tols, which took up the work of higher education when the

Buddhist monasteries were broken up. The village schools

were open to all Hindus within the Aryan pale, i.e. those of

the four '^ pure '^ castes. Every great wave of religious feeling

which passed over India helped^ to break^ down the^ obstacles which Brahman prejudices placed in the way of the higher education of the masses ; for it was not only the Buddha who taught higher Aryan truths to Sudras : Sankaracharya,

Ramaniija, and all the great Vaishnava^ teachers^ did the

same, under conditions intended to provide against the

chaitAnya

the vow of asceticism, and with the pilgrim's staff and begging-

bowl in hand had set out on the sannyasin's spiritual^ quest.

Unlike the Buddha^ he^ never^ returned^ to^ his^ grief-stricken

home, and Vishvambara, affectionately called Nimai, because

he was born in a shed under a nimba tree,^ remained the

sole solace of his parents. Nimai was then five years old, the

age (^) when he should have gone to school, but owing to the objections (^) of his mother, Shachi Devi, who was haunted (^) by

the fear that her darling child would follow his brother's

example, he was kept at home.

Nimai soon became the terror of pious and learned Brahmans,

and outraged all the sedate and orderly social traditions of the

quarter by his boyish pranks. He joined with other boys in

robbing orchards and in other petty pilfering ; he teased little

girls ; and even dared to disturb elderly Brahmans at their

devotions by running away with their ritualistic symbols, or

by hiding their clothing when they were bathing. He grieved

his Brahman parents by a total disregard of caste prejudices,

never avoiding unclean refuse or other things which were

pollution to the twice-born. When reproved he would say :

" You do not send me to school, so how can I know what is

clean or unclean? In my eyes nothing is pure or impure

all things are alike to me "—an answer which only added to

his parents' sorrow, for it revealed the mind of the true sann-

yasin, placed above the restrictions of caste rules. These and

similar wise sayings, presaging his coming mission, were

treasured up in his parents' hearts and remembered in after

years.

At last Jagannath's neighbours insisted that he should fulfil

his duty as a Brahman by sending the boy to school, and

Nimai at six years of age was placed in one of the Sanskrit

Tols under a pandit named Ganga Das and entered upon the

first stage of a Brahman's life, that of a Brahmacharin.

It must be observed that throughout^ the^ whole^ story of

(^1) See Mr T). C. Sen in his History (^) of Bengali Language and Literature, (^) p. 415. According to Professor Jadunath Sarkar the signification of the name is '^ short- lived,' and it was given to him to avert the evil eye.

ARYAN RULE IN INDIA

Chaitanya's life there is a vein of the miraculous, for no ordinary

child would begin what is in reality college life at that age.

But Nimai was of extraordinary precocity, and in a very short

time (^) was engaged in disputes with men of learning (^) upon the

intricacies of Sanskrit grammar and logic, though he stUl

retained all the vivacity of boyhood and delighted in poking

fun at the grave and reverend dons of Ntidiah. When he was

twenty, or at an age (^) when many Brahman youths (^) would be seeking entrance into a Tol for the (^) completion of their educa-

tion, Nimai had acquired so great a reputation that he estab-

lished a Tol (^) of his (^) own on the banks of the Bhagirathi, (^) the branch of the Ganges which flows (^) by Nudiah, and many pupUs

gathered round him, for he was famed for his wit and the

brilliancy (^) of his dialectics.

Up to this time Nimai's intellect had not developed the cha-

racteristic bent which distinguished his teaching as a Vaish-

nava reformer. The scholars of Nudiah at that time were

known for their highly intellectual (^) accompUshments rather

than for depth of religious fervour. An atmosphere of scepti-

cism, created by the agnostic^ teaching of Buddhism, pervaded

the Tols of Nudiah, and Nimai had imbibed all the intellectual

pride of his Alma Mater. The chief interest of Nudiah society

was in passages of arms between famous philosophical experts

armed with their favourite weapons of logic—an interest shared

by all educated Hindus at that time. "^ No extraordinary

marriage function could in^ those days be regarded as complete without its battle of the pundits. Invitations were (^) sent out

to members of rival schools to come and join their forces under

the presidency and direction of such and such a Brahman.

The contest wotdd take place in^ the presence of the whole polite

world, who,^ though^ they^ could^ not^ have^ waged^ it^ themselves,

had quite sufficient knowledge of the language and matter

under dispute to be keen and interested critics of skill. Put

thus upon their mettle, the combatants^ would^ wrestle,^ and^ at

the end of days or hours, as the case might be, the victor was

declared. Sometimes the whole of the money grant about to be made by the^ father^ of^ the^ bride^ would^ be assigned^ by