Trafficking for the purposes of labour exploitation - Book Summary - English literature, Summaries of English Literature

Download Trafficking for the purposes of labour exploitation - Book Summary - English literature and more Summaries English Literature in PDF only on Docsity! Trafficking for the purposes of labour exploitation: a literature review Home Office Online Report 10/07 Samantha Dowling Karen Moreton Leila Wright The views expressed in this report are those of the authors, not necessarily those of the Home Office (nor do they reflect Government policy). Trafficking for the purposes of labour exploitation: a literature review Samantha Dowling Karen Moreton Leila Wright Online Report 10/07 iii Executive summary – Part A: Adults • The report reveals that there is very little factual and robust evidence concerning trafficking of adults to the UK for the purposes of labour exploitation. Some areas of knowledge are more extensively addressed than others, but there are still significant knowledge gaps. • It is known that victims constitute a wide range of nationalities, particularly Eastern European, Asian, African and South American. Victims may also be EU nationals and enter the UK through both legal and illegal means. • Victims are found in a variety of employment sectors, including agriculture, construction, nursing, care, domestic work and hospitality. These industries typically require large numbers of low-paid, flexible, seasonal workers, sometimes in difficult or dangerous conditions. Demand for such cheap and malleable labour is a key driver of trafficking. • Coercion and deception are used to control and exploit victims. Victims may experience debt-bondage, the withholding of identity documents, threats and abuse, reduced/no pay, excessive working hours, dangerous conditions, poor accommodation and discrimination. • The UK is mainly a destination country, but internal trafficking also occurs. Victims are found in a wide variety of geographical areas in the UK. • There is currently no standardised guidance to help identify or treat adult victims. Findings suggest that identification of victims might focus initially on exploitative working conditions, rather than assessment in terms of illegal/legal entry. • Several knowledge gaps are identified. There is a lack of information on the exact scale of the problem and perpetrator/victim characteristics, including nationality, age, gender and education. There is a lack of information concerning long-term impacts and needs of victims, as well as the changing nature of trafficking routes and impacts of EU Accession. • Findings should be treated with caution. Various methodological caveats mean that findings can only be indicative, as the review is based on a few qualitative studies, involving interviews and anecdotes from small, unrepresentative samples. They do not necessarily provide an accurate or complete picture of the UK situation. • This review does, nevertheless, serve to highlight some important issues, for example the need for clear and consistent terminology in relation to trafficking, links between victim support and perpetrator prosecution, and perceptions of trafficking as an issue of border and law enforcement, as distinct from an issue of employment standards and exploitation. • Despite methodological caveats, the broad consistency in the limited information and issues raised do indicate the growing importance of this area and provide a base from which to develop a better understanding. Filling the knowledge gaps identified would contribute towards a more robust evidence base for policy development. iv Executive summary – Part B: Children • The report reveals there is very little factual and robust evidence concerning trafficking of children to the UK for the purposes of labour exploitation. As in the adult report, some areas of knowledge are more extensively addressed than others. There are some differences from the adult report in terms of the information available. • There is more information and guidance available concerning child, rather than adult, victim identification profiles; however, these are for child victims of all forms of trafficking, not just labour exploitation. Child victims appear to be primarily of African or Asian nationalities, as well as Eastern European and Jamaican, and are of a range of ages. More girls than boys are identified, but this may be a result of the nature of the exploitation they experience. • Trafficked children enter the UK either accompanied by an adult or unaccompanied. Accompanying adults may claim to be the child’s parent/carer and are hard to identify. Those who are unaccompanied are referred to Social Services, but victims often only become apparent when they subsequently go missing from care. • Children have been documented within domestic service, catering and manual labour. They are also used for credit card/benefit fraud and illicit activities. Children are particularly vulnerable to the deceptive and coercive practices of traffickers. • Parents and family members can be perpetrators, but they may not always be aware of the resultant exploitation when sending their child to the UK for what is believed to be a better life. The acceptability of such practices, particularly in some African cultures, can hinder detection of children trafficked as domestic servants to families in the UK. • A number of knowledge gaps are identified in relation to children. As with adults, there is a lack of information on the exact scale of the problem and perpetrator characteristics – beyond those identified as family members. Little is known about what happens to trafficked children who are not identified by Social Services. It is uncertain whether the exact trafficking routes, source and transit countries used in relation to children differ substantially from other trafficking routes, e.g. those for adults, sexual exploitation or smuggling. • The review suggests children require special consideration in relation to trafficking because of their greater vulnerability and need in terms of support and protection. • As with the adult report, similar methodological caveats mean that findings can only be indicative. The child report is also constrained by a narrow range of perspectives. Findings are primarily in relation to Social Services and do not incorporate child or perpetrator perspectives, or a wider range of individuals involved with victims. • Despite these caveats, the broad consistency in the limited information indicates the growing importance of this area and, as with adult findings, provides a base from which to advance understanding. Filling the knowledge gaps identified would contribute towards a more robust evidence base and lead to more definitive policy recommendations. 1 1. Introduction Background to the research In December 2005, the House of Lords’ Joint Committee on Human Rights (JCHR) sought information from the Government about what is being done to tackle human trafficking. The Government acknowledged in its evidence to the JCHR that the majority of the knowledge regarding the situation in the UK centres on trafficking for prostitution and there is a need to improve knowledge and understanding of other forms of trafficking in order to assess whether these represent a significant problem for the UK. In addition, the Prime Minister announced, on 22 January 2007, the UK’s intention to sign up to the Council of Europe’s Convention on Action Against Trafficking in Human Beings.1 This implied a need to confirm the implications of doing so, in terms of both the costs (and therefore the scale of the problem, i.e. numbers of victims) and the design of the supporting policy (such as improving methods of identifying victims and better understanding their needs). The policy aim is to understand more about the nature and extent of all forms of trafficking in order to develop an effective policy response to it. The research that has been published in the UK to date has tended to focus on the trafficking of women/children for sexual exploitation. Although there are also evidence gaps in these areas, even less is known of trafficking for the purposes of labour exploitation generally, therefore the focus of this review is labour exploitation, excluding sexual exploitation. This literature review was conducted by Home Office researchers and independently peer reviewed by two external experts. This report is a summary of a longer and more detailed review. Aims and objectives of the review The aims of the review were threefold. 1. To identify what is known about trafficking to the UK for the purposes of labour exploitation (supplementing this information with international data where necessary and available). 2. To identify knowledge gaps in this area. 3. To make recommendations, where appropriate, as to how to address any knowledge gaps. The above aims will contribute to improving the evidence base and policy in this area, both in relation to the prevention, detection and prosecution of offenders, and in the appropriate identification and treatment of victims. Findings are intended to be of use to policy makers and operational staff who are involved with tackling trafficking and assisting victims, as well as researchers and academics with an interest in this area. This review does not aim to outline or evaluate the legislation and policy changes that have been made or are currently being formulated within Government. It will simply present the findings from current published literature, which does not necessarily reflect current Home Office or Government thinking. Findings from the reviewed literature are separated here into, first, adult victims and, second, child victims. There is similarity between some of the issues discussed for both types of victim, but differences in relation to some specific findings and recommendations drawn from the research. 1 Council of Europe Convention on Action Against Trafficking in Human Beings and its Explanatory Report (2005) Council of Europe Treaty Series – No. 197. Warsaw 16V.2005: Council of Europe. The terms of the convention would enshrine special protection for victims of trafficking – a 30-day reflection period within which victims can decide whether or not to co-operate with the authorities in taking legal action against their traffickers. After this period, the UK Government would then have to decide whether to return victims or grant them some form of leave to remain. 4 2. Methodology The literature review has been conducted as systematically as possible, under tight time constraints. It does not however constitute a ‘systematic review’ as normally defined. Information sources were identified in a number of ways. • Through policy and operational stakeholders across Government. • Internet searches for relevant organisations/reports. • ‘Hand searches’ of existing literature/emails. • Searches of relevant electronic databases for priority sources, with assistance from the Home Office library. • Speculative requests to UK academics and non-governmental organisations (NGOs). An extensive list of search terms was developed by the research team through prior knowledge of the topic and testing using internet search engines such as Google and online search tools such as the Ingenta5 database. These terms were used by the research team and library staff to search key databases and other resources. Material has been included in the review if it is written in English, dates from 1996 or more recently, and is evidence that relates to the UK specifically. Material was excluded if it focused solely on trafficking for sexual exploitation or on policy/enforcement issues. Where it was not possible to distinguish if material related to trafficking to the UK for labour exploitation, as opposed to trafficking for sexual exploitation, it has been included, although it is stated that there is uncertainty in relation to the area of trafficking to which it relates. Similarly, information on trafficking in general, either not stating if it relates to the UK or if it comments on trafficking from a wider European or global perspective, has been included if UK-specific information is scarce. The methodology and search terms used sought to include literature on both adults and children wherever possible, but separated out the findings because of the different arrangements for safeguarding child and adult victims. Identified material was prioritised for relevance and reviewed by a member of the research team. A quality assessment of the research was made by the reviewer for pieces of primary research. Out of a list of 241 references identified overall, only 136 could be followed up and assessed for initial relevance. These were chosen based on title and abstract information (where available) in the first instance and secondly on availability. Those deemed as relevant to the review were prioritised in terms of level of relevance. It was not, however, possible to review all of the lower priority items in the time available. Therefore the findings presented in this report are not the full findings but present a large proportion of the picture that is available from published literature in relation to this area. The full list of sources and references provided, contributed to both the summary report and the full report. The search produced only nine studies relating to trafficking of adults to the UK for the purposes of labour exploitation and these were reviewed fully using the research quality assessment criteria. A further 47 pieces of secondary literature, including Government reports, conference papers and other primary research (not necessarily focused on all the inclusion criteria) contribute to this report. Only four of these nine studies (Anderson and Rogaly, 2005; Black et al., 2005; Skrivánková, 2006, and Pieke, forthcoming) specifically targeted all the inclusion criteria for this review, although information is still drawn from the other studies where relevant. These other studies focused on the employment of illegal workers or discussion of migrant working conditions but the migrants involved were not necessarily trafficked (TUC, 2004; Jones et al., 2006; Anderson, 2006). In some studies there were difficulties in disaggregating the UK information from the main findings (Wijers and Lap- 5 http://www.ingentaconnect.com/;jsessionid=65efgltj3kdfe.henrietta 5 Chew, 1997; ILO, 2005). These studies were regarded with caution, particularly where those involved could not be confirmed as victims of trafficking. Three primary studies (AFRUCA/NPCC, 2002; Somerset, 2004; Beddoe, 2007) relating to trafficking of children to the UK were reviewed fully using the research quality assessment criteria; a further 22 pieces of literature contribute to this report on children (many of these provide a broader picture of trafficking but not specifically in relation to trafficking for labour exploitation). Caveats to interpretation Overall, the information obtained from the studies needs to be treated with caution. Various methodological caveats constrain interpretation of the findings and present an incomplete picture. There was no quantitative evidence available in relation to the UK for either adult or child trafficking. The few studies identified overall involve qualitative in-depth interviews with small, unrepresentative samples of migrant workers, employers or experts. The studies also lack methodological transparency, indicating potential unreliability and, given the nature of the area under investigation, are liable to be biased by social desirability pressures on the interviewees. There were also examples of confusion within some of the literature in relation to the definitions of trafficking and confused use of terms ‘smuggling’ and ‘trafficking’. This therefore hinders comparability of the literature reviewed. It was also sometimes difficult to distinguish information on trafficking for labour exploitation from what appear to be more general findings in relation to trafficking. These studies are also limited in terms of their scope. They tend to focus on specific employment areas in specific locations with specific communities and are constrained by a narrow range of perspectives (for example, there is limited research on perpetrators). Of the three primary studies included in relation to children the view represented is predominantly that of Social Services department employees, although some views from others working with children are also represented. The review found no research conducted with victims of child trafficking. One report concentrates solely on anecdotal evidence of African children in domestic servitude, which may not necessarily be applicable to children of other nationalities and employment sectors. A wider range of information is required to provide a fuller picture of trafficking for labour exploitation for both adults and children. Although based on small samples, the studies do tend to draw out similar issues and findings, highlighting the growing importance placed on research in this area. The findings are therefore able to provide a flavour of pertinent issues and provide a base from which to develop understanding and knowledge. The findings also usefully highlight knowledge gaps and draw together recommendations from the reviewed literature. The findings, however, are only indicative and the literature can by no means be used to present a conclusive and representative picture of trafficking for the purposes of labour exploitation to the UK. 6 3. Findings, Part A: Adults Overall, there is a lack of any robust research carried out in relation to all aspects of trafficking for the purposes of labour exploitation in relation to adults. The majority of information available within this area is either at an international level, focused on sexual exploitation, or concerns illegal workers (who may or may not have been trafficked), which may not accurately reflect the trafficking and labour exploitation situation in the UK. The most comprehensive research conducted in this area involves trafficking to Eastern European and Asian countries, rather than Western Europe. An outline of what is currently known and not known in relation to trafficking of adults for the purposes of labour exploitation in the UK is presented below. These findings are a summary of a more detailed review. What is the scale of the problem? What do we know? Small numbers of specific cases of those trafficked to the UK for the purposes of labour exploitation are documented by research or the police. For example, Skrivánková (2006) and Anderson and Rogaly (2005) documented 27 and 46 individual cases respectively. These are likely to severely underestimate the true extent of the problem. Estimates of numbers of illegal migrants have been made but these are, by their nature, not precise or certain. In any case, such estimates are not an appropriate substitute for numbers trafficked in the UK (flows) or the numbers present in the UK at any given time (stocks). The lack of reliable estimates is primarily because of the difficulties in identifying victims and apprehending and prosecuting perpetrators. Definitional issues also hinder the identification and production of reliable estimates. What do we not know? There are currently no available reliable estimates of the numbers trafficked to the UK for the purposes of labour exploitation. There is little or no systematic collection of the required data within the UK, in relation to either victims or perpetrators. Trends in human trafficking to the UK are also not known, for example, whether the problem is increasing or decreasing. Who are the victims? What do we know? The limited information suggests that victims of trafficking are likely to represent a diverse and complex group. • Victims constitute a wide range of nationalities, particularly Eastern Europeans, Asians, Africans and South Americans. Victims may also be EU nationals. • Victims are equally likely to include both males and females, unlike victims of sexual exploitation who are predominantly female. • Legal routes of entry are not immune to trafficking and worker exploitation. Victims may have entered and/or be working illegally or legally in the UK. What do we not know? There is little information concerning other characteristics and the background of victims prior to entering the UK, for example, age, education and qualifications, language skills, previous employment or family background. Furthermore, although it is known that victims may be legally in the UK, there is little specific research in this area. 9 Trafficking methods and processes What do we know? There is minimal anecdotal knowledge, suggesting that traffickers to the UK might: • recruit through a formal (e.g. advertisements or agencies) or informal process (e.g. family, friends or acquaintances) or abduction/kidnapping; • play a specialist role in the trafficking process; • operate as part of a large network; • charge anywhere up to £22,000 for their services; • adopt a range of transportation methods, depending on costs and distance; • choose the country/countries of destination or transit; and • be involved in other forms of crime/trafficking. What do we not know? There is little information concerning traffickers’ operations in the specific context of the UK and labour exploitation. It is uncertain whether the methods and processes obtained from available international evidence specifically relate to those used in trafficking to the UK. More specifically, there is a lack of information concerning the extent to which traffickers are involved in just one element or the whole trafficking process, what roles they perform and how large their networks are. Are there any geographical patterns of trafficking? What do we know? • Victims are found in a wide variety of UK geographical areas – particularly where there are high concentrations of industries that employ migrant workers. • Scotland, England, Wales and Northern Ireland may have different needs. • The UK is mainly a destination country but internal trafficking occurs within the UK and networks lead onwards from the UK to destinations such as North America. • Similar routes and nexus points might be used for both trafficking and smuggling. • There are some broad patterns identified for trafficking routes into the EU and common entry points into the UK, for example, from France into Dover. What do we not know? Little is known about the exact trafficking routes, source and transit countries for purposes of labour exploitation and whether these actually differ in any way from other trafficking routes (e.g. for sexual exploitation or smuggling). Even though there is awareness that internal trafficking occurs in the UK and that it can be used as a transit country, there is little in-depth knowledge concerning these occurrences. It is also not known how routes and methods for trafficking into the UK have changed as a result of A8 accession in May 2004 or A2 Accession in January 2007. What are the impacts of trafficking on victims and what are their associated needs? What do we know? The UK does not currently have any centralised support/provision for victims of trafficking for the purpose of labour exploitation. Limited assistance can be provided by organisations such as the Citizens Advice Bureau or International Organisation for Migration but only if victims 10 are able, or know how, to approach them or if they actually recognise that they have been trafficked or exploited. Research, in relation to needs and impacts on victims of trafficking for the purposes of sexual exploitation, suggests it is likely that victims of labour exploitation might have some similar and some differing needs, especially given the abusive and dangerous conditions they can work in (although this is not qualified with any UK research in this area). Improved victim support might aid perpetrator convictions (as has occurred with perpetrators of sexual exploitation). What do we not know? There is little knowledge focusing on victim outcomes both in the short-and long-term, how victims finally leave the trafficking process, where they go, what difficulties they might face if returning home and whether they become re-trafficked. There is little analysis of the support they need (perhaps as a result of difficulties in identifying victims). What factors feed the demand or drive trafficking for labour exploitation? What do we know? The key pull factors in relation to trafficking to the UK include: • demand for cheap and malleable migrant labour to increase productivity; • established family and community in the UK; • belief that treatment of immigrants in the UK and benefits are better than elsewhere; and • perception of a flexible UK labour market. The inherent vulnerability of migrants themselves is also a contributory factor. They are highly dependent on other people, relying on ‘knowledgeable’ individuals (i.e. traffickers) for information, language, work and accommodation – as well as (actual or perceived) need for shelter from the authorities. What do we not know? There is limited information in terms of causal or ‘push and pull’ factors specifically related to the UK. In general terms, trafficking for labour exploitation is a result of: globalisation and limited opportunities in source countries for employment; restrictive migration policies forcing migrants into illegal routes; environmental and other disasters in source countries, and is influenced by the implementation of labour and employment standards in individual countries. However, due to the lack of information within the literature reviewed, it is not possible to comment on whether these factors apply specifically to the UK. It is also not known what impact the new Points-Based System will have upon trafficking to the UK and if, as some authors suggest, its restrictions will encourage further trafficking. 11 4. Findings, Part B: Children As with adult victims of trafficking, the majority of documented work in the area of child trafficking has concentrated on sexual exploitation. With a few exceptions, in comparison to adult literature there is generally less information in relation to children. Recently, however, it has been claimed that ‘‘the trafficking of children for labour exploitation emerged … in ways that have not been previously recorded’’ (Beddoe, 2007, p.27). It is not necessarily a new phenomenon but there is more likely to be an increased awareness and willingness to now recognise and address child labour exploitation. An outline of what is currently known and not known in relation to trafficking of children for the purposes of labour exploitation in the UK is presented below. These findings are a summary of a more detailed review. What is the scale of the problem? What do we know? The largely anecdotal evidence in this review does support the existence of child trafficking to the UK for the purposes of labour exploitation. Somerset (2004) documented 35 confirmed individual cases (each ‘case’ being one child) across 33 London Boroughs. Beddoe (2007) identified 80 individual cases of child trafficking within the North-East, North-West and the Midlands. UNICEF (2003) documented 250 individual UK-wide cases in the past five years, but these findings represent trafficking for all purposes, not just labour exploitation. These figures are expected to severely under-represent the actual number of cases. The lack of reliable statistics is largely attributable to the difficulties associated with identifying victims of trafficking and victims’ fear of reprisal/negative consequences if they do admit to having been trafficked/exploited. Children are even less likely to come forward as victims than adults, or know what their rights are and where to obtain help. Many social workers interviewed felt they encountered more victims yet they could not be verified or categorised as cases of trafficking. These figures cannot, therefore, be applied generally to the UK situation. What do we not know? There is a lack of accurate statistics to inform knowledge of the scale or trends of child trafficking to the UK for labour exploitation. This reflects the need for guidelines in relation to the identification of victims of child trafficking (including clarification of current trafficking definitions and how they are to be applied) and for authorities to record information on trafficking. Who are the victims? What do we know? Child victims reported in the surveyed literature are primarily of African or Asian nationalities, with some victims documented from Eastern Europe and Jamaica. Child victims of trafficking generally appear to be from a range of ages. Limited evidence points strongly to 16- to 17-year-olds being trafficked most commonly to the UK, but when children trafficked for sexual exploitation are removed from the picture, there appears to be no distinctive age trend for those trafficked for labour exploitation. Anecdotal reports in the literature suggest that more girls than boys are trafficked to the UK, but this may just be because more girls than boys are identified due to the nature of exploitation. Gender may affect the type of exploitation they are subject to, for example, girls may be more prevalent within domestic labour, sexual exploitation and forced marriage, whilst boys may be subject to more hazardous labour, contraband and restaurant work. On the 14 Who are the perpetrators? What do we know? There is little evidence concerning perpetrator characteristics. Traffickers may be of the same nationality or ethnic origin as the victim; however, anecdotal evidence suggests this is not always the case. Parents and family members have been implicated as perpetrators. Some parents may give their children to traffickers or employers because of financial need, but may not necessarily be aware of the resultant exploitation and may genuinely believe that their children will have a better life in the UK. Family members in the UK may deliberately deceive parents and/or children. Alternatively, parents may be aware of the true purpose, whilst children remain unaware. The acceptability of such practices, particularly in some African cultures can hinder detection of African children trafficked as domestic servants to families in the UK. What do we not know? Aside from the family members involved in trafficking, little else is known about the perpetrators and how children are recruited. Further evidence is needed in this area so that more can be learnt about perpetrator characteristics, e.g. nationality, age, gender, education and qualifications, and involvement in other areas of criminal behaviour. There is little information available to help identify perpetrators of child trafficking for the purpose of labour exploitation. Trafficking methods and processes What do we know? Evidence suggests that trafficked children enter the UK either unaccompanied or accompanied by an adult and all entry points into the UK are potential routes used by traffickers. Many trafficked children arrive in the UK accompanied by adults unrelated to them who may pretend to be their parents or say that they have permission from the parent(s) to bring the child to the UK. As there are legitimate reasons to do this it can be difficult for immigration officials to distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate circumstances. Many children will have false passports and will be made to look older or younger than they are. By making children look older, traffickers will hope to avoid detection. By making children look younger or not providing them travel documents when entering the UK unaccompanied, will ensure that they are referred to Social Services. Traffickers can then track the child down later and take him/her to an exploitative situation, or the child will have contact details for the trafficker, and will escape and contact them. A number of children have been documented as having gone ‘missing’ from Social Services and are believed to have been trafficked. What do we not know? There is little information concerning child traffickers’ operations in the specific context of the UK and labour exploitation. As described in the section on adults, there is more global information pertaining to methods and processes, but it is not certain how this relates to the UK context or those of children. Little is known about the roles that traffickers may undertake, e.g. whether they are involved in just one element or the whole trafficking process and how large their networks are, specifically in relation to child trafficking. It could be that, as with traffickers of adults for labour exploitation, a number of different traffickers with different roles are used throughout the trafficking process; however, there seems to be no evidence to confirm this. There is also little known about what happens to trafficked children once they enter the UK, particularly those who are not identified by Social Services or subsequently go missing from Social Services care and are not found. In comparison to what little is known about adults or 15 trafficking in general, less is known about specific trafficking networks and the organisation/planning involved in relation to children. Are there any geographical patterns of child trafficking? What do we know? There is anecdotal evidence that children are trafficked to and exploited in counties and cities all over the UK and that some children have been trafficked internally. Trafficked and exploited children have appeared in regions where members of their community are particularly prevalent, but trafficked children may also live and be exploited in areas other than those in which they are actually living. What do we not know? It is uncertain whether there are regional patterns in types of child labour exploitation as evidence is largely anecdotal. Little is known about the exact trafficking routes, source and transit countries used in relation to children and whether these actually differ in any way from other trafficking routes, e.g. those for adults, for sexual exploitation or smuggling. Even though there is awareness that internal trafficking occurs and that the UK is used as a transit point, there is little in-depth knowledge concerning these occurrences. It is also not known how trafficking routes and methods into the UK have changed as a result of A8 accession in May 2004 or A2 Accession in January 2007. What are the impacts of trafficking on child victims and what are their associated needs? What do we know? The inherent vulnerability of children can mean that the impacts of trafficking are even greater than on adults –- not only are they highly dependent on their traffickers, regardless of the purpose, but the evidence also suggests serious implications on a child’s survival, health and development, including: • physical abuse and neglect during and after the journey (e.g. lack of medical attention, physical beatings, rape, sensory and food deprivation and drug/alcohol addiction); • physical health problems (e.g. stomach pains, tiredness, irritation) that may manifest as temper outbursts, aggression, and anti-social, disruptive, uncommunicative behaviour; and • psychological harm (disorientation, identity problems, isolation, loss of trust, flashbacks, nightmares, dependency, low self-esteem, depression, suicidal thoughts, and panic attacks). The reviewed literature suggests that child victims of trafficking in general (not necessarily for labour exploitation) have been identified as having a number of very specific needs: • specialist counselling: • health care: • appropriate accommodation (with people who are trained in the area); and • appropriate security to prevent children going missing from care and contacting traffickers. Currently, care received can differ depending on whether or not children are identified by an ‘Unaccompanied Minors Team’ that can provide more specialist services than mainstream care. 16 What do we not know? The particular needs of children who have been trafficked specifically for the purposes of labour exploitation is an area that requires further attention, especially in relation to the provision of specialist services in the UK. The information currently available in relation to sexual exploitation may not necessarily relate to all aspects of labour exploitation. There is also little information concerning long-term impacts, or how children eventually escape trafficking situations – where they go and what happens to them. What factors feed the demand or drive child trafficking for labour exploitation? What do we know? The literature reviewed suggests a number of factors that drive trafficking of children for labour exploitation – although these do not necessarily apply across the globe – including: • cultural beliefs, e.g. in relation to the acceptability of child labour; • demographic reasons, e.g. large families, where parents cannot afford their children; • poverty and unemployment in the source country; • desire of parents to give their children a better life; • globalisation and perception of children as goods/commodities; • dysfunctional families, where children leave home to escape abuse, turning to traffickers; • lack of education – children attending school are less likely to be trafficked and schools can teach about the risks of trafficking; • discrimination – many trafficking victims are from minorities/disadvantaged groups, making them vulnerable to discrimination/social exclusion; • political conflict/economic transition; and • inadequate, ineffective laws/regulations or general ignorance of trafficking laws where they exist in countries of origin and destination. What do we not know? Further evidence is required to assess the extent that factors driving trafficking relate specifically to the UK. It cannot be assumed that these situations necessarily apply to the UK in the same way as to other countries. There is also little information concerning specific differences between push and pull factors in relation to adults and children. General drivers of trafficking, as discussed in the report on adults, concern restrictive immigration policies, environmental disasters and political disturbances or war, and lack of opportunities in source countries (amongst others). There is little information concerning the relative impact of these factors and whether some factors are more important than others. 19 Broader considerations are also required in relation to how child and adult trafficking situations may differ in terms of victim and perpetrator characteristics, methods and processes, as well as how different forms of trafficking, such as sexual exploitation, may differ. Future evidence generation should focus on filling these knowledge gaps and studies might benefit from: larger sample sizes; a wider range of research with professionals, employment sectors and geographic locations; information being extended beyond that acquired by Social Services; an attempt to acquire first-hand information from children and perhaps, even perpetrators and develop more robust methodological procedures. The individuals involved in this type of research are notoriously ‘hard-to-reach’, even more so with the sensitivities surrounding children, but the use of alternative methodologies and examples from international research may help to fill these knowledge gaps. Overview This literature review highlights that there is very little factual and robust evidence concerning the trafficking of both adults and children to the UK for the purposes of labour exploitation. Some areas of knowledge are more extensively addressed than others, but there are considerable gaps in knowledge, which hinder development of policy and understanding of the area. A much larger proportion of information is available at an international level and/or focuses on sexual exploitation. Further work is required to determine if these findings would be relevant to trafficking for labour exploitation in the UK. Furthermore, findings are based on a few qualitative studies, involving interviews and anecdotes from small samples. However, despite the methodological caveats, the findings are broadly consistent. This indicates that this is an area of growing importance and there is a base from which to develop knowledge further, but at the present the evidence base is only indicative. This literature review does highlight some important issues, which impact upon our understanding of human trafficking. A clear consensus in relation to the definition of trafficking is required in order to further policy development and fill knowledge gaps. How trafficking is fundamentally defined is likely to affect both how the extent and nature of the problem is measured and also the policy adopted to address it. Victim needs and protection are also crucial themes throughout the review, highlighting the links between victim support and perpetrator prosecution. Findings from the review also suggest that children will need special consideration when it comes to support and protection. This is primarily due to their inherent dependence on adults in order to survive, and particular vulnerability to the coercive measures adopted by traffickers, as well as their lack of knowledge concerning human rights. Finally, this review has highlighted the potential benefit of tackling human trafficking, both as an issue of borders and law enforcement, but also employment, exploitation and human rights. Alternative perspectives concerning the nature of the problem may allow practitioners, professionals and researchers to better identify victims, thereby increasing our knowledge of the problem and contributing towards its prevention. 20 References AFRUCA/NSPCC (2002) ‘Africans Unite Against Child Abuse’ Trafficking of African Children to the UK: Myth or Reality. Seminar Report. Anderson, B. 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Available from: http://www.lshtm.ac.uk/hpu/docs/Stolen%20Smiles%20- %20Trafficking%20and%20Health%20(2006).pdf [02.02.07] Produced by the Research Development and Statistics Directorate, Home Office This document is available only in Adobe Portable Document Format (PDF) through the RDS website http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds Email: [email protected] ISBN: 978 1 84726 299 8  Crown copyright 2007