Forgetting-Experimental Psycology-Lecture Handout, Exercises for Experimental Psychology. All India Institute of Medical Sciences
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Forgetting-Experimental Psycology-Lecture Handout, Exercises for Experimental Psychology. All India Institute of Medical Sciences

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This lecture handout was provided by Prof. Sherjill Gill at All India Institute of Medical Sciences for Experimental Psychology course. It includes: Forgetting, Decay, Interference, Repression, Memory, Reconstruction, Cu...
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LECTURE 2

Experimental Psychology – PSY402 VU LESSON 12

FORGETTING Although information can be stored in long-term memory for extended periods of time, "memory decay" does take place. In other words, we can forget what we learn. In fact, we forget things quickest shortly after we learn them. This has two implications in terms of improving our memory.

Why People Forget Forgetting is defined as the loss of information over time. Under most conditions, people recall information better soon after learning it than after a long delay; as time passes, they forget some of the information. We have all failed to remember some bit of information when we need it, so we often see forgetting as a bother. However, forgetting can also be useful because we need to continually update our memories. When we move and receive a new telephone number, we need to forget the old one and learn the new one. If you park your car every day on a large lot, you need to remember where you parked it today and not yesterday or the day before. Thus, forgetting can have an adaptive function.

Memory is retention of information over a period of time. Ebbinghaus studied memories by teaching himself lists of nonsense words and then studying his retention of these lists over periods of hours to days. This was one of the earliest studies of memory in psychology. The subject of forgetting is one of the oldest topics in experimental psychology. German philosopher Hermann Ebbinghaus initiated the scientific study of human memory in experiments that he began in 1879 and published in 1885 in his book, On Memory. Ebbinghaus developed an ingenious way to measure forgetting. In order to avoid the influence of familiar material, he created dozens of lists of nonsense syllables, which consisted of pronounceable but meaningless three-letter combinations such as XAK or CUV. He would learn a list by repeating the items in it over and over, until he could recite the list once without error. He would note how many trials or how long it took him to learn the list. He then tested his memory of the list after an interval ranging from 20 minutes to 31 days. He measured how much he had forgotten by the amount of time or the number of trials it took him to relearn the list. By conducting this experiment with many lists, Ebbinghaus found that the rate of forgetting was relatively consistent. Forgetting occurred relatively rapidly at first and then seemed to level off over time (see the accompanying chart entitled “Forgetting Curve”). Other psychologists have since confirmed that the general shape of the forgetting curve holds true for many different types of material. Some researchers have argued that with very well learned material, the curve eventually flattens out, showing no additional forgetting over time. Ebbinghaus’s forgetting curve illustrated the loss of information from long-term memory. Researchers have also studied rate of forgetting for short-term or working memory. In one experiment, subjects heard an experimenter speak a three-letter combination (such as CYG or FTQ). The subjects’ task was to repeat back the three letters after a delay of 3, 6, 9, 12, 15, or 18 seconds. To prevent subjects from mentally rehearsing the letters during the delay, they were instructed to count backward by threes from a random three-digit number, such as 361, until signaled to recall the letters. As shown in the accompanying chart entitled “Duration of Working Memory,” forgetting occurs very rapidly in this situation. Nevertheless, it follows the same general pattern as in long-term memory, with sharp forgetting at first and then a declining rate of forgetting. Psychologists have debated for many years whether short-term and long-term forgetting have similar or different explanations.

Decay Theory of Forgetting The oldest idea about forgetting is that it is simply caused by decay. That is, memory traces are formed in the brain when we learn information, and they gradually disintegrate over time. Although decay theory was accepted as a general explanation of forgetting for many years, most psychologists do not lend it credence today for several reasons. First, decay theory does not really provide an explanation of forgetting, but merely a description. That is, time by itself is not a causative agent; rather, processes operating over time cause effects. Consider a bicycle left out in the rain that has rusted. If someone asked why it rusted, he or she would not be satisfied with the answer of “time out in the rain.” A more accurate explanation would

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Experimental Psychology – PSY402 VU refer to oxidation processes operating over time as the cause of the rusty bicycle. Likewise, memory decay merely describes the fact of forgetting, not the processes that cause it. The second problem for decay theory is the phenomenon of reminiscence, the fact that sometimes memories actually recover over time. Experiments confirm an observation experienced by most people: One can forget some information at one point in time and yet be able to retrieve it perfectly well at a later point. This feat would be impossible if memories inevitably decayed further over time. A final reason that decay theory is no longer accepted is that researchers accumulated support for a different theory—that interference processes cause forgetting.

Interference Theory of Forgetting According to many psychologists, forgetting occurs because of interference from other information or activities over time. A now-classic experiment conducted in 1924 by two American psychologists, John Jenkins and Karl Dallenbach, provided the first evidence for the role of interference in forgetting. The experimenters enlisted two students to learn lists of nonsense syllables either late at night (just before going to bed) or the first thing in the morning (just after getting up). The researchers then tested the students’ memories of the syllables after one, two, four, or eight hours. If the students learned the material just before bed, they slept during the time between the study session and the test. If they learned the material just after waking, they were awake during the interval before testing. The researchers’ results are shown in the accompanying chart entitled, “Forgetting in Sleep and Waking.” The students forgot significantly more while they were awake than while they were asleep. Even when wakened from a sound sleep, they remembered the syllables better than when they returned to the lab for testing during the day. If decay of memories occurred automatically with the passage of time, the rate of forgetting should have been the same during sleep and waking. What seemed to cause forgetting was not time itself, but interference from activities and events occurring over time. There are two types of interference. Proactive interference occurs when prior learning or experience interferes with our ability to recall newer information. For example, suppose you studied Spanish in tenth grade and French in eleventh grade. If you then took a French vocabulary test much later, your earlier study of Spanish vocabulary might interfere with your ability to remember the correct French translations. Retroactive interference occurs when new information interferes with our ability to recall earlier information or experiences. For example, try to remember what you had for lunch five days ago. The lunches you have had for the intervening four days probably interfere with your ability to remember this event. Both proactive and retroactive interference can have devastating effects on remembering.

Repression Another possible cause of forgetting resides in the concept of repression, which refers to forgetting an unpleasant event or piece of information due to its threatening quality. The idea of repression was introduced in the late 19th century by Austrian physician Sigmund Freud, the founder of psychoanalysis. According to Freudian theory, people banish unpleasant events into their unconscious mind. However, repressed memories may continue to unconsciously influence people’s attitudes and behaviors and may result in unpleasant side effects, such as unusual physical symptoms and slips of speech. A simple example of repression might be forgetting a dentist appointment or some other unpleasant daily activity. Some theorists believe that it is possible to forget entire episodes of the past—such as being sexually abused as a child—due to repression. The concept of repression is complicated and difficult to study scientifically. Most evidence exists in the form of case studies that are usually open to multiple interpretations. For this reason, many memory researchers are skeptical of repression as an explanation of forgetting, although this verdict is by no means unanimous. For further information on repressed memories, see the sidebar “Recovered Memories and False Memories” that accompanies this article.

Memory Reconstruction Psychologists generally accept the idea that long-term memories are reconstructive. That is, rather than containing an exact and detailed record of our past, like a video recording, our memories are instead more generic. As a better analogy, consider paleontologists who must reconstruct a dinosaur from bits and pieces of actual bones. They begin with a general idea or scheme of what the dinosaur looked like and then fit the bits and pieces into the overall framework. Likewise, in remembering, we begin with general themes about

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Experimental Psychology – PSY402 VU past events and later weave in bits and pieces of detail to develop a coherent story. Whether the narrative that we weave today can faithfully capture the distant past is a matter of dispute. In many cases psychologists have discovered that recollections can deviate greatly from the way the events actually occurred, just as in the anecdote about Piaget.

Sir Frederic Bartlett, a British psychologist, argued for the reconstructive nature of memory in the 1930s. He introduced the term schema and its plural form schemata to refer to the general themes that we retain of experience. For example, if you wanted to remember a new fairy tale, you would try to integrate information from the new tale into your general schema for what a fairy tale is. Many researchers have showed that schemata can distort the memories that people form of events. That is, people will sometimes remove or omit details of an experience from memory if they do not fit well with the schema. Similarly, people may confidently remember details that did not actually occur because they are consistent with the schema. Another way our cognitive system introduces error is by means of inference. Whenever humans encode information, they tend to make inferences and assumptions that go beyond the literal information given. For example, one study showed that if people read a sentence such as “The karate champion hit the cinder block,” they would often remember the sentence as “The karate champion broke the cinder block.” The remembered version of the events is implied by the original sentence but is not literally stated there (the champion may have hit the block and not broken it). Many memory distortions arise from these errors of encoding, in which the information encoded into memory is not literally what was perceived but is some extension of it.

The question of memory distortion has particular importance in the courtroom. Each year thousands of people are charged with crimes solely on the basis of eyewitness testimony, and in many trials an eyewitness’s testimony is the main evidence by which juries decide a suspect’s guilt or innocence. Are eyewitnesses’ memories accurate? Although eyewitness testimony is often correct, psychologists agree that witnesses are not always accurate in their recollections of events. We have already described how people often remember events in a way that fits with their expectations or schema for a situation. In addition, evidence shows that memories may be distorted after an event has occurred. After experiencing or seeing a crime, an eyewitness is exposed to a great deal of further information related to the crime. The witness may be interrogated by police, by attorneys, and by friends. He or she may also read information related to the case. Such information, coming weeks or months after the crime, can cause witnesses to reconstruct their memory of the crime and change what they say on the witness stand.

American psychologist Elizabeth Loftus has conducted many experiments that demonstrate how eyewitnesses can reconstruct their memories based on misleading information. In one study, subjects watched a videotape of an automobile accident involving two cars. Later they were given a questionnaire about the incident, one item of which asked, “About how fast were the cars going when they hit each other?” For some groups of subjects, however, the verb hit was replaced by smashed,collided, bumped, or contacted. Although all subjects viewed the same videotape, their speed estimates differed considerably as a function of how the question was asked. The average speed estimate was 32 mph when the verb was contacted, 34 mph when it was hit, 38 mph when it was bumped, 39 mph when it was collided, and 41 mph when it was smashed. In a follow-up study, subjects were asked a week later whether there was any broken glass at the accident scene. In reality, the film showed no broken glass. Those questioned with the word smashed were more than twice as likely to “remember” broken glass than those asked the question with hit. The information coming in after the original event was integrated with that event, causing it to be remembered in a different way.

This study, and dozens of others like it, shows the power of leading questions: The form in which the question is asked helps determine its answer. Our memories are not encapsulated little packets lying in the brain undisturbed until they are needed for retrieval. Rather, people are prone to the misinformation effect—the tendency to distort one’s memory of an event when later exposed to misleading information about it. Eyewitnesses’ testimony can be tainted and altered by information they hear or see after the critical event in question. Therefore, in court cases one must carefully consider whether the testimony of an eyewitness

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Experimental Psychology – PSY402 VU could possibly have been altered through misleading suggestions provided between the time of the crime and the court case.

The problem of determining whether memories are accurate is even more difficult when children are the witnesses. Research shows that in some situations children are more prone to memory distortions than are young adults. In addition, older adults (over 70 years of age) often show a greater tendency to memory distortion than do younger adults. Even though psychologists have shown that memories can be distorted and that people can remember things that never occurred, our memories are certainly not totally faulty. Usually memory does capture the gist of events that have occurred to us, even if details may be readily distorted.

Cue dependent forgetting theory Cue-dependent forgetting means that ‘information is stored in the long-term memory but there is no suitable retrieval cue from the environment to prompt memory.’ This means that information is available but is not accessible. An example of this is if you forget something about your childhood and you visit your old school/house it may help you remember by acting as a cue. Tulving split cue-dependent forgetting into two different types. One type is State dependent forgetting, which is the physical/physiological state of the person when the information is encoded and retrieved, examples of these are, happy or sad, alert or tired etc. These are internal cues. The other is Context dependent forgetting, this is the environment setting or situation in which the information is encoded or retrieved, an example of this is a particular room etc. These are external cues. A study that supports Tulving’s theory is Aggleton and Waskett (1999) ‘Can Viking smells aid the recall of Viking experiences?’ The aim of this study was to test whether smells could act as cues to real life setting because most other studies of this nature had been done in a laboratory setting. The sample was 45 participants who had been to the Jorvik Viking Centre and used authentic smells from the actual museum in the study. The participants were given the same questionnaire of 20 questions and were split into three groups. There were three conditions; the first condition was of Jorvik smells, e.g. burnt wood, fish and rope. The second condition was of irrelevant smells e.g. peppermint and the third condition was no smells. Group one had Viking smells followed by irrelevant smells, group two had irrelevant smells followed by Viking smell and the third group had the no smell condition followed by the no smell condition. The results show that all the groups remembered more items on the second test than on the first. Group two had the greatest improvement. The mean number of the 20 questions correct for this group improved from 0.9 to 10.7. This supports the idea that smells act as a cue to aid memory.

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