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Old English to Middle English: Phonological and Morphological Changes - Prof. Pugliese, Appunti di Lingua Inglese

riassunto capitolo del libro "Middle English"

Tipologia: Appunti

2018/2019

Caricato il 26/05/2019

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Middle English
Old English did not disappear overnight at the Norman Conquest, nor did it
immediately stop being written, for the West Saxon literary tradition was continued for
a time in some of the great monasteries. But, in the years following the Conquest,
changes which had already begun to show themselves in pre-Conquest Old English
continued, and in less than a century we can say that Old English period is over, and
that Middle English has begun.
The Conquest made the change from Old English to Middle English look more sudden
than it really was, by introducing new spelling conventions. An established literary
language like late West Saxon tends to be conservative in its spelling: changes occur
in pronunciation, but the scribes often go on writing the words in the traditional way.
But the Norman scribes disregarded traditional English spelling, and simply spelt the
language as they heard it, using many of the conventions of Norman French. So, many
changes that had not been reected in OE spelling, or which had appeared only in
occasional spelling, now emerged clearly.
New spelling conventions
The new orthography gave English writings quite a new look. A number of new
consonant symbols were introduced.
A new symbol g was introduced for the stops represented by OE 3 and the OE
symbol was retained only for the fricatives.
Where OE used f to represent both [f] and [v], ME scribes used u or v (which
were allographs at this period) for the voiced sound
Similarly, z was introduced besides s, though not consistently
The digraph th gradually replaced o and p, but o is found up to about 1300, and
p remained quite common until about 1400; indeed, a debased form of p
survives even today in the initial Y of expressions like ‘Ye Olde Tea Shoppe’, in
which Ye is simply a late medieval way of writing pe.
It is to be noted that in ME there were separate phonemes /f/ and /v/, /s/ and /z/
and /O/ and /o/, where in OE there had been pairs of allophones. In the spelling,
this fact was only fully recognized for /f/ and /v/, and this still remains the case
today, as for cloth/clothe and close (adj) and close (verb)
Some of the remaining dierences in orthography between OE and ME (vedi tabella p.
162). We are discussing about changes in spelling and not in pronunciation. The
changes shown are typical ones:
1. The letter y was no longer used to represent a front rounded vowel, but was
simply used as an alternative to I, so that ME king and kyng represent exactly
the same pronunciation.
2. The ME dialects that preserved the front rounded vowels [y] and [y:] from OE y
and y usually spelt them u or ui: OE cynn became kunn, OE fyr (re) became fur
or fuir.
3. OE [d3] never occurred in word-initial position, only medially and nally, but ME
loanwords from French, like judge have [d3] in initial position.
4. Not all these changes were improvements: both q and y were superuous and
ou was not a very satisfactory spelling for [u:], because it was also used to
represent 2 dierent ME diphthongs.
Change of script: in place of the insular script of OE, the Norman scribes introduced
a continental style of handwriting. In this style, it was dicult to tell how many strokes
had been made when letters like m,n and u occurred together, and groups like un, uu
and um were dicult to distinguish from one another. For this reason, scribes took to
writing o instead of u when it occurred in groups of this kind. E.g. OE sunu-cuman-lufu,
we often nd mE sone-comen and loue (love). But this was a change in spelling, not in
pronunciation: sun (OE sunne) has always had the same vowel-sound as the word son
(OE sunu), and the modern dierence in spelling is a matter of change.
Changes in pronunciation
pf3
pf4
pf5
pf8
pf9
pfa

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Middle English Old English did not disappear overnight at the Norman Conquest, nor did it immediately stop being written, for the West Saxon literary tradition was continued for a time in some of the great monasteries. But, in the years following the Conquest, changes which had already begun to show themselves in pre-Conquest Old English continued, and in less than a century we can say that Old English period is over, and that Middle English has begun. The Conquest made the change from Old English to Middle English look more sudden than it really was, by introducing new spelling conventions. An established literary language like late West Saxon tends to be conservative in its spelling: changes occur in pronunciation, but the scribes often go on writing the words in the traditional way. But the Norman scribes disregarded traditional English spelling, and simply spelt the language as they heard it, using many of the conventions of Norman French. So, many changes that had not been reflected in OE spelling, or which had appeared only in occasional spelling, now emerged clearly. New spelling conventions The new orthography gave English writings quite a new look. A number of new consonant symbols were introduced.

  • A new symbol g was introduced for the stops represented by OE 3 and the OE symbol was retained only for the fricatives.
  • Where OE used f to represent both [f] and [v], ME scribes used u or v (which were allographs at this period) for the voiced sound
  • Similarly, z was introduced besides s, though not consistently
  • The digraph th gradually replaced o and p, but o is found up to about 1300, and p remained quite common until about 1400; indeed, a debased form of p survives even today in the initial Y of expressions like ‘Ye Olde Tea Shoppe’, in which Ye is simply a late medieval way of writing pe.
  • It is to be noted that in ME there were separate phonemes /f/ and /v/, /s/ and /z/ and /O/ and /o/, where in OE there had been pairs of allophones. In the spelling, this fact was only fully recognized for /f/ and /v/, and this still remains the case today, as for cloth/clothe and close (adj) and close (verb) Some of the remaining differences in orthography between OE and ME (vedi tabella p. 162). We are discussing about changes in spelling and not in pronunciation. The changes shown are typical ones:
  1. The letter y was no longer used to represent a front rounded vowel, but was simply used as an alternative to I, so that ME king and kyng represent exactly the same pronunciation.
  2. The ME dialects that preserved the front rounded vowels [y] and [y:] from OE y and y usually spelt them u or ui: OE cynn became kunn, OE fyr (fire) became fur or fuir.
  3. OE [d3] never occurred in word-initial position, only medially and finally, but ME loanwords from French, like judge have [d3] in initial position.
  4. Not all these changes were improvements: both q and y were superfluous and ou was not a very satisfactory spelling for [u:], because it was also used to represent 2 different ME diphthongs. Change of script: in place of the insular script of OE, the Norman scribes introduced a continental style of handwriting. In this style, it was difficult to tell how many strokes had been made when letters like m,n and u occurred together, and groups like un, uu and um were difficult to distinguish from one another. For this reason, scribes took to writing o instead of u when it occurred in groups of this kind. E.g. OE sunu-cuman-lufu, we often find mE sone-comen and loue (love). But this was a change in spelling, not in pronunciation: sun (OE sunne) has always had the same vowel-sound as the word son (OE sunu), and the modern difference in spelling is a matter of change.

Changes in pronunciation

Some of the changes in pronunciation that took place in the transition from Old to Middle English:

  • The development of OE y and y in different areas
  • The change of OE ā to ō (long open o) south of the Humber
  • Alongside this ME ō (pronounced [c:]), there was a phoneme usually called ME ō (long close o), pronounced [o:] (as in Modern German ‘wo’ ‘where’) which was descended from OE ō. The two phonemes have been kept distinct to the present day: e.g. OE gāt has become goat, while OE gōs has become goose. In ME texts, the two phonemes are not usually distinguished in the spelling, and it was not until early modern times that one came to be spelt oa and the other oo.
  • Another similar awkward pair in ME are the phonemes usually called ME ę (long open e) and ME ē (long close e). ME ē was descended from OE oē and ēa, as was pronounced [e:], a half-open vowel similar to that of Modern French faire. ME ē was descended from OE ē and ēo, and was pronounced [e:], a half-close similar to that of Modern German zehn. The two phonemes were not usually distinguished in ME spelling, and it was not until early modern times that it became common to spell the first as ea or ei and the second one as ee or ie. The two phonemes were still kept distinct in the English of Shakespeare’s day, but fallen together in present-day English, so that we use the same vowel sea (OE soē) as in see (OE sēon).
  • Other phonological changes which mark the transition from OE to ME include the disappearance of OE oe, which in most dialects fell together with a; the monophthongization of all the OE diphthongs, both long and short; the development of new ME diphthongs, especially by the fusion of a vowel with a following [j] or [w]/ the weakening of the vowels in unstressed syllables, all of them appearing as ME e. E.g. OE words heorte (heart) stream (stream) appear in ME with such spellings as herte, strem, though with much regional variation. Late OE and Early ME vowel-lengthening A sound change which took place in Late OE, but which did not become apparent until the ME period, was the lengthening of short vowels before certain consonant groups. In many cases the vowels were shortened again during the ME period, but long vowels remained in some dialects, especially before the groups ld, mb and nd. Lengthening before these groups accounts for the modern forms of words like old, bold, cold, told. In OE (Anglian) these had short a (ald…); this was lengthened to ā during the 9 th century, and in the 12th^ century this ā regularly become ō south of the Humber, giving ME pronunciations like [c:ld].
  • Other examples of lengthening before these 3 groups are provided by the words field, child, comb, climb, blind and ground (OE feld, cild, camb, climban, blind, and grund). This lengthening did not take place, if the consonant group in question was immediately followed by a third consonant. This accounts for the difference in vowel between child and children. In most such cases, however, either the long or the short vowel has been generalized in ME: thus our lamb is from the plural form (oE lambru/ME lambre), not from the singular (OE lamb), which had its vowel lengthened. The word wind ‘moving air’ probably has its short vowel by analogy with words like windmill, where the third consonant prevented the lengthening from taking place. In ME, wind normally had a long vowel, and Shakespeare’s time it rhymed with kind. He does not use an eye rhyme, but a genuine rhyme that no longer exists today (wind-unkind).
  • Another vowel lengthening process, which has had far-reaching effects on both pronunciation and spelling, took place in ME itself, during the 13 th^ century. This was the lengthening of short vowels in open syllables in two-syllables words. An open syllable is one that ends with a vowel. Where a single consonant occurs between vowels in an English word, the consonant normally belongs to the second syllable, and the first syllable is therefore open. Thus in the OE verb

Middle English morphology The ME period is marked by a great reduction in the inflectional system inherited from OE, so that ME is often referred to as the period of weakened inflections. There were a number of causes for this. One was the mixing of OE with ON. Frequently, the English and Scandinavian words were sufficiently similar to be recognizable, but had decidedly different sets of inflections. In these circumstances, doubt and confusion would arise about the correct form of ending to use, and speakers in bilingual situations would tend to rely on other grammatical devices where these lay to hand. The existence and growth of such other devices must itself have contributed to the decay of the inflectional system, while itself being stimulated by this decay. Another cause was phonological: the loss and weakening of unstressed syllables at the ends of words destroyed many of the distinctive inflections of OE. As a result of these changes, oE word-final –a, -u and –e all became ME –e. the endings –an, -on, -un and –um all became –en, which was later reduced to –e. the endings –as and e-s both became –es, while –ap and –ep both became –ep. Moreover, the final –e, which was all that was left of some of these endings, itself disappeared during the MRE period: in the north, where the changes first took place, it was no longer pronounced by the mid-13th^ century, and in the south it had disappeared by about 1400. These changes had significant effects on the inflectional system, since many endings now became identical.

  • For example: OE noun sunu ‘son’ would become ME sone in all cases except the dative plural, which would become sonen, and even that would also later become sone. The same would be true of the differently declined nouns giefu ‘gift’ and wine ‘friend’. As a result, the whole inflectional system became simplified. Among nouns, for example, the two declensions with the most distinctive of the remaining inflections tended to attract all the other nouns to themselves. At the same time, the number of different cases was reduced, especially in the declension of the adjective and of the definite article. Among the nouns, two main declensions were generalized:
  1. One was the declension which in oE had its nominative plural in –as (stānas ‘stones’) and its genitive singular in –es (stānes ‘of a stone). Both these endings became ME –es, so that both the nominative plural and the genitive singular were stones.
  2. The other declension was the one which in OE formed both its nominative plural and its genitive singular in –an, which in ME became –en. Thus ēage was ‘eye’, and ēagen ‘eyes’ and ‘of an eye’, in ME these became eye and eyen. Of these two declensions, the first became dominant in the northern dialects, in which all nouns tended to form the nominative plural and the genitive singular with –es, and forms like eyes are normal by about 1200. In the south, on the other hand, it was the – en declension that became dominant by the middle of the period, and many nouns that in OE belonged to other declensions came to use the –en plural. So we find forms like devlen ‘devils’ and englen ‘angels’, where OE had dēoflas and englas. But in the course of the mE period the –es plural spread southwards and displaced –en, and by the 15th^ century it was almost universal, and of course our normal modern plural ending is directly descended from it. We still have a few relics of other declensions:
  • There are the mutated plurals like feet, gees, mice and men where the vowel of the plural was changed by front mutation, and there is no plural ending
  • There are the uninflected plurals like deer and sheep which are descended from OE neuter nouns in which the nominative and accusative plural had no ending. We have also complicated things a little in Modern English by introducing a few learned plurals in words borrowed from Latin and Greek like formulae and nuclei and

phenomena, but the whole we have pretty thoroughly generalized the OE –as ending for the noun plural. We now spell it –s or –es and pronounce it –s or –s or –iz (like matches) according to the preceding phoneme. In Early Middle English we find all four of the oE noun case still preserved in both singular and plural, but in the course of the period there is a tendency to reduce the total number of forms to 3:

  • One for the nominative and accusative singular like eye
  • One for the genitive singular like eyes ‘of an eye’
  • One for all plural uses like eyen ‘eyes’. In the north, and later elsewhere, the plural and the genitive singular were identical, and there were only two forms – eye and eyes. A dative singular with the ending –e persisted for quite a time, especially in the south, but as the final unstressed –e was lost in all dialects by the 15th^ century this too disappeared. Occasionally, too there are genitive plural forms in –e or –ene even in late Middle English as in kingene king ‘king of kings’. But such forms disappear by the end of the ME period, and we reach the modern situation, where for most nouns we have only two different forms (boy/boys). We now recognize a further two forms in our spellIngs, though not in pronunciation (boy’s, boys’) and in fact a few nouns do have 4 distinct forms (man, man’s, men, men’s). We still have a few relics of the old case system preserved as fossils in modern words and expressions. The word alive comes from OE on life where life is the dative singular of līf ‘life’. The final –e has been lost, but we have retained the voiced v, not the f of the nominative. The same process of loss of case distinctions took place in adjectives and demonstratives.
  • In adjectives, the trend was to use only two forms: the base-form (e.g. fair) and a form with the ending –e (such as faire) which was used both for the plural and as the weak form. This stage has been reached in Chaucer. When the final –e was lost towards the end of the ME period, these two forms became the same, and the adjective became indeclinable, as it is today.
  • In OE the definite article showed three genders (se masculine, sēo feminine, poet neuter) and was declined thorough all four cases, singular and plural, and in fact in the singular had a fifth case, the instrumental, py or pon. The form the arose as Late OR pe, which supplanted se and sēo; it had its initial thorn from the influence of the other case-forms, which all began with p. in the course of ME, the other forms disappeared, and the became used for all of them. Chaucer nearly always uses the, though he also has a plural form tho (from OE pā). By the end of the ME period we have reached the modern position, in which the is the only form of the definite article, and that has become a contrasting demonstrative with its own distinct meaning. We have seen that the definite article and the adjective played a large part in oE in marking out distinctions of case and number. The loss of this function by the end of the ME period represented a major change in the structure of the language. It also meant that grammatical gender disappeared, and was replaced by ‘natural gender’. That is, we now tend to refer to female creatures as she, male creatures as he and inanimate objects as it. Things are indeed a bit more complicated than that: a ship e.g. can be she, and a dog can be it. But still we are a long way from the system of Early OE, where wīfmann ‘woman’ was masculine, wīf ‘woman’ was neuter, and the forms of the pronoun, the adjective and the definite article had to be chosen accordingly. Even in Late OE, there is a strong tendency for women to be referred to as ‘she’ and men as ‘he’, whatever the gender of the noun that has been used. Middle English syntax

■ An extract from the Peterborough Chronicle- which was a continuation of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, kept going at the monastery at Peterborough until 1154. Under the year 1137 there is a long annal describing the anarchy and miseries of King Stephen’s reign, and we have taken an extract from this. The chronicler has been describing how all the great magnate disregarded Stephen and used forced labour to build themselves castles. The word me, which occurs several times in the passage, is the unstressed form of man, used as in OE as an impersonal ‘one’. Punctuation is modernized, and abbreviations are silently expanded. This is very early ME, and not very easy for the modern reader (p.

The orthography of the passage still shows the influence of the OE scribal tradition, for instance in the use of oe and of the spelling sc for sc (short). For [w], too, it sometimes uses wynn (were) but often instead uses uu (were) and for [v] it most often uses u, not f (doules ‘devils’). It uses both thorn and eth, but alongside these is now found th (bathe ‘both’) and instead of cw we see the French spelling qu (quarterne ‘cell’). Oe ā is still represented by a, not o, presumably because the change of ā into ō had not yet taken place in the part of the East Midland area where the text was written. There are also points of grammar which remind us of OE. The pronouns of the third- personal plural are the English forms hi,heom and her(e), not the Scandinavian they, them,their. There is a verb which is strong (as in OE) which is now weak (slep ‘slept’, from OE slēp). There is one example of S-O-V word-order in a subordinate clause and a few examples of V-S-O order. Despite these resemblances to OE, there are also decided differences. This is especially seen in the inflections, which are very much reduced compared to OE. The adjectives have lost almost all their endings: there is a plural –e on some of them, but otherwise nothing.

  1. The definite article is almost invariably pe or the, though there is one example of the plural pa (in pa men). In OE, the definite article was fully declined, there was also the preposition be governing the dative.
  2. For the nouns, the normal plural in the passage is -(e )s (castles), and in several words this is used where in OE there was a different one, for example snakes which had the OE plural forms snacan.Apart from these plural endings, the nouns have practically no inflections, except for one dative singular, the –e of quarterne.
  3. The ME writer has introduced the preposition by, but has also retained the OE – es ending (perhaps apprehended as a plural).
  4. In vocabulary, the passage shows very little French influence, having only castles and prison. These are from Norman French, the former having initial [ka-] where Central French has [tSa-] (modern French chateau). In several places where Modern English would use a French loanword, the passage has an English word which is no longer used, like halechen ‘saints’. Nor are there many Greek or Latin loans in the passage: the two words from Greek are not new loans (martyrs and devils), but had been borrowed in OE, and the only new Latin loan in the passage is crucethur ‘torture-box’, probably from Latin ‘cruciator’, and since the writer feels the need to explain what this term refers to, it was probably not firmly established as an English word.
  5. There are more Scandinavian words. Though fewer than in some later texts. Only one of these has survived in modern literary English, namely, both which comes from Old Norse.
  6. The word-final /n/ in unstressed syllables was lost in ME, early in the north and later in the south, an example of this in the passage is the use of me as the unstressed form of man, meaning ‘one, people (like French on). This final /n/ was not lost under all circumstances: it was retained when it occurred immediately

before a vowel, but lost when it occurred before a consonant or a pause. Because of this, double forms arose for many words, one form with final /-n/ and one without. For example, the unstressed form of OE ān ‘one’ led to the modern indefinite article: the vowel was shortened in OE, because of the absence of stress, and then in ME the final /-n/ was lost before consonants but not before vowels, giving the two forms a and an, as in a father and an uncle. Similarly the unstressed form of OE mīn led to ME my and mine (my father). But when there are pairs in the language like my nephew and mine uncle, mistakes sometimes occur about the point of division between the two words, and there appear forms like my nuncle. The nuncle did in fact exist, and is found in Shakespeare. The word adder is of this type, the expression a nadder having been apprehended as an adder. Other words that owe their modern forms to this kind of change are apron, nickname.

  1. It also clear that in many words a final /-n/ would be retained in the inflected forms, while being lost in the bse-form. So OE ‘moegden’ ‘a girl’ became ME maide while moegdenes ‘of a girl’ became maidens. In such cases analogy has generally operated to generalize on or other form: thus forms with final /-n/ have been generalized in iron and seven, and those without final /-n/ in holly and haughty. In a few cases, both forms have been preserved, so that in Modern English we have doublets like broke/broken, eve/even(ing), maid (maiden), no/ none. Moreover, because of the example of such pairs, we have even added final /-n/ to words which did not originally have it. An example is often, which in OE was oft: in ME the common adverbial ending –e was added, to make it ofte, and in the 14 th^ century the analogical /-n/ was tagged on.
    • For our example of later ME we can take a few lines from Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, dating from the late 14 th^ century. Chaucer did not employ the traditional English alliterative style of verse, and used instead French and Italian models. He uses rhyme, in stanzas or couplets, and verse lines with a fixed number of syllables. In Chaucer’s time verse, many words have a final –e in the spelling. In many cases, but not all, this has to be pronounced, probably as [-e (al contrario)]. In speech, word-final unstressed –e was dead or dying in Chaucer’s time, but it continued to be used in poetry. In Chaucer’s verse, it is elided if it occurs immediately before a vowel. But remember that in many words with initial h in the in the spelling, the h was not pronounced, so that in fact the word began with a vowel. This applied to many French loanwords, such as heritage, host. These had already lost their initial [h-] before they were borrowed into English, and the modern pronunciations are due to the spelling and to Latin influence. Moreover, in the 13 th^ century, word-initial /h-/ had been lost in unstressed words in English, so that words like hit ‘it’ developed double forms, a strong form with initial /h-/ and a weak form without it; word-final –e would be elided before the weak form, but not before the strong. As a further complication, there were a considerable number of words where the final –e in the spelling was purely orthographical, and was never pronounced: this is certainly the, for example, with the pronoun-determines ‘hire’ ‘her’.
  • The passage is an excerpt from the delightful animal fable, ‘The Nun’s priest’s tale’. Chaunteclerr, the clock, has disturbed his favourite wife, Pertelote, by groaning in his sleep, and explains to her that he has had a nightmare. This is not too difficult to understand but there can be many misleading (vedi p.178)
  • Unlike the Peterborough scribe, the scrbe here often uses double letters to indicate a long vowel as in maad. In some such words the vowel has since been shortened, for example, dee ‘dead’, but in Chaucer we must pronounce it long [de:d]
  • There are also impersonal constructions which are not uncommon in Old and Middle English. They were rare by the sixteenth century,but one survival is methinks – it seems to me.
  • The syntax of the passage is clearly much more modern than that of the Peterborough passage. There are no examples of S-O-V word-order, and the predominant pattern is S-V, with just one example of the auxiliary preceding the subject when the clause begins with an adverb.
  • The missing relative is the subject of the relative clause, and in present-day English it is impossible to omit it in such a case. Middle Scots The earliest records of the Scots literary language date from the second half of the 14 th^ century, the first really big work being John Barbour’s long narrative poem The Bruce (c.1375). thereafter, there is a well-documented literary tradition, culminating in the poetry of Robert Henryson and William Dunbar in the late 15 th and early 16th^ centuries. As in the south, spelling was somewhat variable, but Scots had certain distinctive spelling-conventions of its own.
  • In spelling like ai/ei and oi, the I is inserted to show that the vowel is long, not that is a diphthong like haim (home) [ha:me]
  • The spelling ch corresponded to southern gh (nicht- night) and quh- to southern whquhen (qhen)
  • In phonology we have already seen that OE ā – became northern a: (later e:)
  • Whereas in the south of the Humber it became c (al contrario).
  • Oe ō became ME o:, in the north became the front rounded vowel y: spelt u or ui (fuid – food).
  • In the north, final unstressed –e was lost very early, and in consequence short vowels were retained in many words that in the south underwent lengthening as a result of ME open syllable lengthening.
  • In the north OE macan (to make) has already lost its final –n in late OE, this gave EME make, and the final –e was lost before the lengthening of vowels in open syllables of two-syllable words, so that the words appears as northen mak or mek with a short vowel. Distinctive Scots grammatical features include the use of –it ofr the ending of the past tense and pst participle of weak verbs (closit closed)
  • The use of –and for the present participle dansand – dancing
  • Where elsewhere the ending is –ende or inde
  • And the use of the inflection –is for noun plurals (knychtis – knights), for noun genitives, for the third-person singular present of verbs (he takis – he takes) and for the present plural of verbs. In vocabulary one striking thing is the paucity of loanwords from Gaelic., there are numerous French loans, for Scotland maintained close relations with France, and also Scandinavian loans, but most of these are also found south of the boarder. As an example of Middle Scots, we can have a look at the extract from Robert Henryson’s ‘Morall Fabillis of Esope the Phrygian’ written in the second half of the 15 th century: two stanzas from the ‘The Taill of Schir Chantecleir and the Foxe’
  • The auxiliary couth (literally could) is used to form the past tense, rather like later ‘do’ (couth sing) (did sing/sang)
  • The phrase wes flowen ‘had flown’ illustrates the continued use of auxiliary be to form the perfect tense with verbs of motion
  • The word fra ‘from’ is from OE frā. The corresponding OE word being fram. The southern form of fra is fro, which survives in the expression ‘to and fro’. During the 16 th^ century, Scots was influenced by the southern language. One reason for this was the prestige of the English poets (Chaucer for example). Another was the influence of biblical translations: the Reformation was marked by a whole series of such translations in England, but not in Scotland.

The Geneva Bible of 1560, with its Calvinist marginal comments, was especially influential. By the later 16th^ century, books in the southern language were being printed in Scotland. And when in 1603 James VI of Scotland became James I of England, southern influence increased, for London became the centre from which patronage radiated, for Englishmen and Scots alike. The Scots literary language became increasingly permeated by southern forms, and by the end of the 17 th^ century had ceased to exist. The distinguished 18 th^ century Scots thinkers and man of letters (David Hume, Adam Smith and William Robertson were all born in Scotland and educated at Scottish schools and universities but all three wrote in the southern literary language, not in Scots). This does not mean that people in Scotland stopped speaking Scots but simply that in writing they adopted the conventions of the south. But since the southern literary language was based on a dialect extremely different from Scots, there was quite a discrepancy for a Scot between the spoken and the written language. This led to the creation of a Scots dialect literature which attempts in its spellings and its grammar to represent actual Scottish speech. The father of the Scots dialect movement was Allan Ramsay (1686-1758) and its most famous figure was Robert Burns. This literary movement continues today, but having a dialect literature is not the same as having a standard literary language: when Middle Scots was a standard literary language, all written transactions were carried out in it. But since the 18 th century this has not been so: there have been works of literature in Scots but the history books and the contracts and the chemistry textbooks have been written in what is essentially the southern literary language, though with Scottish variations. Today. The Scottish Parliament encourages the use of Scots, and some of its proceedings are conducted in Gaelic and Scots and recorded in these languages as well as standard written English.