Crowding
One potential source of stress is crowding. Environmental psychologists
distinguish between the physical measurement of density and the
psychological feeling of crowding. Density is defined as the physical area
available to the given number of individuals present, while crowding is
the psychological feeling of not having enough space available. Paulus
(1980) concluded that while high density (a large number of individuals
per unit of space) is usually necessary for crowding, it does not always
produce the negative feeling of crowding. For example, at an enjoyable
party or an exciting football game, we might have high density but not
perceive being crowded. On the other hand, if we are on a deserted beach
and someone else comes within view, we might feel crowded, even
though the density is not high. Crowding is a psychological
phenomenon. Most people think of crowding as a negative situation. It is
usually assumed (but often unproven) that crowding automatically leads
to aggression, violence, and crime. A number of studies have reported
positive correlations between high density and negative social conditions,
such as crime. For example, Schmitt (1966) found that as the density of
the population in Honolulu increased, the crime rate, death rate, and
mental-disorder rate also increased. But Freedman (1975) argued that
when social factors such as economic level, educational level, and
ethnicity are taken into account, the relationship between crowding and
crime disappears. Thus, it seems that the issue of crowding is more
complex than we first believed it to be. In research studies, usually it is
found that performance decreases as density increases. But we feel less
crowded with friends than with strangers. It is likely that someone with a
large personal space need would feel crowded sooner than someone with
a small personal space need. Sex differences have been reported by
Freedman and his colleagues, with males usually experiencing more
stress in high-density situations. The importance of cognitive factors in
crowding was demonstrated in a 1984 experiment by Worchel and Brown.
The experimenters showed either an arousing film (which was humorous,
aggressive, or sexual in content) or a nonarousing film to college students
who were seated inappropriately close to one another. Subjects who were
watching an arousing film attributed their arousal feelings to the film and
thus did not experience crowding. However, subjects who were watching
the nonarousing film could not attribute their arousal (actually caused by
the inappropriately close seating arrangement) to the film, and so felt
crowded. Crowding, therefore, was dependent upon the perception of the
source of the arousal. In his 1975 book Crowding and Behavior, Jonathan
Freedman argued that crowding is neither good nor bad. Instead, in his
density-intensity theory of crowding he suggests that as density increases,
the intensity of our moods and behavior increases. Thus, if we expect to
have a good time at a party and the party is crowded, we'll really enjoy
ourselves. But if we expect to have a bad time, crowding makes us feel
miserable. Baum and colleagues (1981) argued that when people are
aware of the density level beforehand they will feel less crowded than
those who do not know what to expect. In an urban setting, if crime is a
