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DECLAMATION SPEECHES
- The Luckiest Man on the Face of the Earth - Lou Gehrig
- Ain't I a Woman? - Sojourner Truth
- The Boys of Pointe Du Hoc (40th Anniversary D-Day Tribute) – Ronald Reagan
- The Gettysburg Address - Abraham Lincoln
- Tilbury Speech - Queen Elizabeth I
- First Indictment of Catiline - Cicero
- Looking for Peace Within the Realms of the Possible - David Trimble
- Gay Freedom Day Parade Speech - Harvey Milk
- The Great Dictator Speech - Charlie Chaplin
- On the Pulse of Morning - Maya Angelou
- Nobel Peace Prize Lecture 1979 - Mother Teresa
- Iraq War Speech - Colonel Tim Collins
- What if Money was No Object? - Alan Watts
- On the Death of Gandhi - Jawaharlal Nehru
- London - William Blake
- Hindenburg Radio Broadcast - Herbert Morrison
- Who will Take my Place? - Michael Collins
- United Nations Assembly Speech (HeForShe Campaign) - Emma Watson
- We Shall Fight them on the Beaches - Winston Churchill
- Any Given Sunday - Al Pacino
- Climb ‘Til Your Dreams Come True - Helen Steiner Rice
- Once More unto the Breach, Dear Friends, Once More - William Shakespeare
- It's Time to Move On - Bill Clinton
- Keynote Address at the 2004 Democratic National Convention - Barack Obama
- I have a Dream - Martin Luther King
- On Risk and Progress - Captain James T. Kirk (Star Trek)
- New Year's Address 2017 - Angela Merkel
- Mad as Hell - Howard Beale
- USA President Inaugural Speech 2017 - Donald Trump
- French Election Victory Speech 2017 - Emmanuel Macron
- Apostrophe to Water – Paul Denton
- Appeal to the Hungarians - Louis Kossuth
- Carr Explains the Rules of the House (Film ‘Cool Hand Luke’)
- Gandhi Non-Violence Speech
- Give me Liberty or Give me Death - Patrick Henry 3 6. Greed is Good (Wall Street) - Gordon Gekko
- Soliloquy on Death (Hamlet) - William Shakespeare
- Hannibal to the Carthaginian Army - Livy
- St. Crispian’s Day (King Henry V) - William Shakespeare
- Heroism of the Hungarian People - Louis Kossuth
- Irish Proclamation 1916
- On a Woman’s Right to Vote - Susan B. Anthony
- Run a Straight Race (Chariots of Fire) - Eric Liddell
- Marshall’s Decision to Look For and Save the Final Ryan Son (Saving Private Ryan)
- Speech of the Scythian Ambassadors to Alexander the Great
- To The American Troops Before the Battle of Long Island - George Washington
- To The Army of Italy (15 May 1796) - Napoleon
- United States of Europe - Victor Hugo
- Women Plenary Session 1995 - Hilary Clinton
- Oscar Schindler's Final Address (Schindler's List)
- Challenger Speech Disaster Speech - Ronald Reagan
- Network - The Money Speech
- Scent of a Woman - Al Pacino Speech
- Television is not the truth - Howard Beale
- ‘A Few Good Men’ Film Speech
- A Monologue from the play Alcestis by Euripides
- A Time for Choosing - Reagan
- Joan of Arc - George Bernard Shaw
- No Pardon for Me - Cathy Faist
- Policy of Nonviolence Speech - Gandhi
2. Ain't I a Woman? Sojourner Truth Well, children, where there is so much racket there must be something out of kilter. I think that 'twixt the negroes of the South and the women at the North, all talking about rights, the white men will be in a fix pretty soon. But what's all this here talking about? That man over there says that women need to be helped into carriages, and lifted over ditches, and to have the best place everywhere. Nobody ever helps me into carriages, or over mud-puddles, or gives me any best place! And ain't I a woman? Look at me! Look at my arm! I have ploughed and planted, and gathered into barns, and no man could head me! And ain't I a woman? I could work as much and eat as much as a man - when I could get it - and bear the lash as well! And ain't I a woman? I have borne thirteen children, and seen most all sold off to slavery, and when I cried out with my mother's grief, none but Jesus heard me! And ain't I a woman? Then they talk about this thing in the head; what's this they call it? [member of audience responds "intellect"] That's it, honey. What's that got to do with women's rights or negroes' rights? If my cup won't hold but a pint, and yours holds a quart, wouldn't you be mean not to let me have my little half measure full? Then that little man in black there, he says women can't have as much rights as men, 'cause Christ wasn't a woman! Where did your Christ come from? Where did your Christ come from? From God and a woman! Man had nothing to do with Him. If the first woman God ever made was strong enough to turn the world upside down all alone, these women together ought to be able to turn it back, and get it right side up again! And now they is asking to do it, the men better let them. Obliged to you for hearing me, and now old Sojourner ain't got nothing more to say. Delivered 1851, Women's Convention, Akron, Ohio
3. The Boys of Pointe Du Hoc (40th Anniversary D-Day Tribute) Ronald Reagan We're here to mark that day in history when the Allied armies joined in battle to reclaim this continent to liberty. For 4 long years, much of Europe had been under a terrible shadow. Free nations had fallen. Europe was enslaved, and the world prayed for its rescue. Here in Normandy the rescue began. Here the Allies stood and fought against tyranny in a giant undertaking unparalleled in human history. At dawn, on the morning of the 6th of June, 1944, 225 Rangers jumped off the British landing craft and ran to the bottom of these cliffs. Their mission was one of the most difficult and daring of the invasion: to climb these sheer and desolate cliffs and take out the enemy guns. And the American Rangers began to climb. When one Ranger fell, another would take his place. They knew what awaited them there, but they would not be deterred. Two hundred and twenty-five came here. After two days of fighting, only ninety could still bear arms. Behind me is a memorial that symbolizes the Ranger daggers that were thrust into the top of these cliffs. And before me are the men who put them there. These are the boys of Pointe du Hoc. These are the men who took the cliffs. These are the champions who helped free a continent. These are the heroes who helped end a war. Forty summers have passed since the battle that you fought here. You were young the day you took these cliffs; some of you were hardly more than boys, with the deepest joys of life before you. Yet, you risked everything here. Why? Why did you do it? We look at you, and somehow we know the answer. It was faith and belief; it was loyalty and love; it was the deep knowledge -- and pray God we have not lost it – that there is a profound, moral difference between the use of force for liberation and the use of force for conquest. Something else helped the men of D-day: their rock-hard belief that Providence would have a great hand in the events that would unfold here; that God was an ally in this great cause. These are the things that impelled them; these are the things that shaped the unity of the Allies. Today, as 40 years ago, our armies are here for only one purpose – to protect and defend democracy. We in America have learned bitter lessons from two World Wars: It is better to be here ready to protect the peace, than to take blind shelter across the sea, rushing to respond only after freedom is lost. Here, in this place where the West held together, let us make a vow to our dead. Let us show them by our actions that we understand what they died for. Let us continue to stand for the ideals for which they lived and died. Thank you very much, and God bless you all. 6 June 1984
5. Tilbury Speech Queen Elizabeth I My loving people, I have always so conducted myself that, under God, my strength and safety lies in the loyal hearts and goodwill of my subjects; so I come amongst you, not for my recreation and but being resolved, in the midst and heat of the battle, to live or die amongst you all; to lay down for my God, and for my kingdom, and my people, my honour and my blood, even in the dust. I know I have the body of a weak, feeble woman; but I have the heart and stomach of a king, and a king of England too, and think foul scorn that Spain, or any prince of Europe, should dare to invade the borders of my realm; to which rather than any dishonour, I will myself take up arms beside you, I will be your general and your rewarder for your virtues in the field. We know that you already deserved rewards and crowns; and we do assure you in the word of a prince, this shall be duly paid. And take heed too of my lieutenant general, for no prince ever commanded a more worthy or noble subject as he; by your obedience to him, by your valour in battle, we shall yet win a famous victory over these enemies of my God, of my kingdom and of my people. 9 August 1588
6. First Indictment of Catiline Cicero When, O Catiline, do you mean to cease abusing our patience? How long is that madness of yours still to mock us? When is there to be an end of that unbridled audacity of yours, swaggering about as it does now? Do not the nightly guards placed on the Palatine Hill, do not the watches posted throughout the city, does not the alarm of the people and the union of all good men, does not the precaution taken of assembling the senate in this most defensible place, do not the looks and countenances of this venerable body here present, have any effect upon you? Do you not feel that your plans are detected? Do you not see that your conspiracy is already arrested and rendered powerless by the knowledge which everyone here possesses of it? What is there that you did last night? What the night before? Where is it that you were? Who was there that you summoned to meet you? What design was there which was adopted by you with which you think that any one of us is unacquainted? Shame on the age and on its principles! The senate is aware of these things; the consul sees them; and yet this man lives. Lives! Aye, he comes even into the senate. He takes a part in the public deliberations; he is watching and marking down and checking off for slaughter every individual among us. And we, gallant men that we are, think that we are doing our duty to the republic if we keep out of the way of his frenzied attacks. You ought, O Catiline, long ago to have been led to execution by command of the consul. That destruction which you have been long plotting against us ought to have already fallen on your own head. What? Did not that most illustrious man, Publius Scipio, the Pontifex Maximus, in his capacity of a private citizen, put to death Tiberius Gracchus, though but slightly undermining the constitution? And shall we, who are the consuls, tolerate Catiline, openly desirous to destroy the whole world with fire and slaughter? For I pass over older instances, such as how Caius Servilius Ahala with his own hand slew Spurius Maelius when plotting a revolution in the state. There was—there was once such virtue in this republic, that brave men would repress mischievous citizens with severer chastisement than the most bitter enemy. For we have a resolution of the senate, a formidable and authoritative decree against you, O Catiline; the wisdom of the republic is not at fault, nor the dignity of this senatorial body. We, we alone,—I say it openly, — we, the consuls, are waiting in our duty. Rome, 36 BC
Burke was particularly acute about the problems of dealing with revolutionary violence - that political, religious and racial terrorism that comes from the pursuit of what Burke called abstract virtue, the urge to make men perfect against their will. Amos Oz has also arrived at the same conclusion. Recently in a radio programme he was asked to define a political fanatic. He did so as follows, "A political fanatic" he said, "is someone who is more interested in you than in himself." At first that might seem as an altruist, but look closer and you will see the terrorist. A political fanatic is not someone who wants to perfect himself. No, he wants to perfect you. He wants to perfect you personally, to perfect you politically, to perfect you religiously, or racially, or geographically. He wants you to change your mind, your government, your borders. He may not be able to change your race, so he will eliminate you from the perfect equation in his mind by eliminating you from the earth. "The Jacobins," said Burke, "had little time for the imperfect." We in Northern Ireland are not free from taint. We have a few fanatics who dream of forcing the Ulster British people into a Utopian Irish state, more ideologically Irish than its own inhabitants actually want. We also have fanatics who dream of permanently suppressing northern nationalists in a state more supposedly British than its inhabitants actually want. But a few fanatics are not a fundamental problem. No, the problem arises if political fanatics bury themselves within a morally legitimate political movement. Then there is a double danger. The first is that we might dismiss legitimate claims for reform because of the barbarism of terrorist groups bent on revolution. In that situation experience would suggest that the best way forward is for democrats to carry out what the Irish writer, Eoghan Harris calls ‘acts of good authority’ – that is acts addressed to their own side. Thus each reformist group has a moral obligation to deal with its own fanatics. The Serbian democrats must take on the Serbian fascists. The PLO must take on Hammas. In Northern Ireland, constitutional nationalists must take on republican dissident terrorists and constitutional Unionists must confront protestant terrorists. There is a second danger. Sometimes in our search for a solution, we go into denial about the darker side of the fanatic, the darker side of human nature. Not all may agree, but we cannot ignore the existence of evil. Particularly that form of political evil that wants to perfect a person, a border at any cost. It has many faces. Some look suspiciously like the leaders of the Serbian forces wanted for massacres such as that at Srebenice, some like those wielding absolute power in Baghdad, some like those wanted for the Omagh bombing.
Here we come again to Burke’s belief that politics proceeds not by some abstract notions or by simple appeal to the past, but by close attention to the concrete detail and circumstance of the current specific situation. "Circumstances," says Burke, "Circumstances give in reality to every political principle, its distinguishing colour, and discriminating effect. The circumstances are what render every civil and political scheme beneficial or noxious to mankind." That is the nub of the matter. True I am sure of other conflicts. Previous precedents must not blind negotiators to the current circumstances. This first step away from abstraction and towards reality, should be followed by giving space for the possibilities for progress to develop. What I have looked for is a peace within the realms of the possible. We could only have started from where we actually were, not from where we would have liked to be. And we have started. And we will go on. And we will go on all the better if we walk, rather than run. If we put aside fantasy and accept the flawed nature of human enterprises. Sometimes we will stumble, maybe even go back a bit. But this need not matter if in the spirit of an old Irish proverb we say to ourselves, "Tomorrow is another day". What we democratic politicians want in Northern Ireland is not some utopian society but a normal society. The best way to secure that normalcy is the tried and trusted method of parliamentary democracy. So the Northern Ireland Assembly is the primary institutional instrument for the development of a normal society in Northern Ireland. Like any parliament it needs to be more than a cockpit for competing victimisations. Burke said it best, "Parliament is not a congress of ambassadors from different and hostile interests; which interests each must maintain, as an agent and an advocate, against other agents and advocates; but Parliament is a deliberative assembly of one nation, with one interest, that of the whole; where not local purposes, nor local prejudices ought to guide, but the general good resulting from the general reason of the whole." Some critics complain that I lack "the vision thing". But vision in its pure meaning is clear sight. That does not mean I have no dreams. I do. But I try to have them at night. By day I am satisfied if I can see the furthest limit of what is possible. Politics can be likened to driving at night over unfamiliar hills and mountains. Close attention must be paid to what the beam can reach and the next bend. Both communities must leave sectarianism behind, because both created it. Each thought it had good reason to fear the other. As Namier says, the irrational is not necessarily unreasonable. Ulster Unionists, fearful of being isolated on the island, built a solid house, but it was a cold house for Catholics. And northern nationalists, although they had a roof over their heads, seemed to us as if they meant to burn the house down. None of us are entirely innocent. But thanks to our strong sense of civil society, thanks to our religious recognition that none of us are perfect, thanks to the thousands of people from both sides who made countless acts of good authority, thanks to a tradition of parliamentary democracy which meant that paramilitarism never displaced politics, thanks to all these specific, concrete circumstances we, thank god, stopped short of that abyss that engulfed Bosnia, Kosovo, Somalia and Rwanda.
8. Gay Freedom Day Parade Speech Harvey Milk My name is Harvey Milk, and I'm here to recruit you. I want to recruit you for the fight to preserve your democracy. Brothers and sisters, you must come out. Come out to your parents. Come out to your friends, if they indeed are your friends. Come out to your neighbors. Come out to your fellow workers. Once and for all, let's break down the myths, and destroy the lies and distortions - for your sake, for their sake, for the sake of all the youngsters who have been scared by the votes from Dade to Eugene. On the Statue of Liberty it says: "Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to be free." In the Declaration of Independence it is written: "All men are created equal" and "are endowed" "with certain inalienable Rights." So, for Mr. Briggs and Mrs. Bryant and all the bigots out there: No matter how hard you try, you can never erase those words from the Declaration of Independence. No matter how hard you try, you can never chip those words from the base of the Statue of Liberty. That is what America is. Love it or leave it. San Francisco, 25 June 1978
9. The Great Dictator Speech Charlie Chaplin I’m sorry, but I don’t want to be an emperor. That’s not my business. I don’t want to rule or conquer anyone. I should like to help everyone - if possible - Jew, Gentile - black man - white. We all want to help one another. Human beings are like that. We want to live by each other’s happiness - not by each other’s misery. We don’t want to hate and despise one another. In this world there is room for everyone. And the good earth is rich and can provide for everyone. The way of life can be free and beautiful, but we have lost the way. Greed has poisoned men’s souls, has barricaded the world with hate. We have developed speed, but we have shut ourselves in. Our cleverness, hard and unkind. We think too much and feel too little. More than machinery we need kindness and gentleness. Without these qualities, life will be violent and all will be lost.... The invention of the aeroplane and the radio have brought us closer together. The very nature of these inventions cries out for the goodness in man - cries out for global brotherhood - for the unity of us all. Even now my voice is reaching millions throughout the world - millions of despairing men, women, and little children - victims of a system that makes men torture and imprison innocent people. Soldiers! Do not give yourselves to brutes - men who despise you - enslave you - who regiment your lives - tell you what to do - what to think and what to feel! Who drill you - diet you - treat you like cattle, use you as cannon fodder. Don’t give yourselves to these unnatural men - machine men with machine hearts and machine minds! You are not machines! You are not cattle! You are men! You have the love of humanity in your hearts! You do not hate! Only the unloved hate - the unloved and the unnatural! Soldiers! Do not fight for slavery! Fight for liberty! In the 17th Chapter of St Luke it is written: “the Kingdom of God is within man” - not one man nor a group of men, but all men! In you! In you, the people – you the people have the power - the power to make this life free and beautiful – you the people have the power to make this life a wonderful adventure. Then - in the name of democracy - let us all unite. Let us fight to free the world – to make a new world - a decent world - a world that will give men a chance to work - that will give youth a future and old age a security. By the promise of these things, brutes have risen to power. But they lie! They do not fulfil that promise. They never will! Dictators free themselves but they enslave the people! Now let us fight to fulfil that promise! Let us fight to free the world - to do away with national barriers - to do away with greed, with hate and intolerance. Let us fight for a world of reason, where science and progress will lead to all men’s happiness. Soldiers! In the name of democracy, let us all unite! Political Satire, 1940
Clad in peace and I will sing the songs The Creator gave to me when I and the Tree and the stone were one. Before cynicism was a bloody sear across your Brow and when you yet knew you still Knew nothing. The River sings and sings on. There is a true yearning to respond to The singing River and the wise Rock. So say the Asian, the Hispanic, the Jew The African and Native American, the Sioux, The Catholic, the Muslim, the French, the Greek The Irish, the Rabbi, the Priest, the Sheikh, The Gay, the Straight, the Preacher, The privileged, the homeless, the Teacher. They hear. They all hear The speaking of the Tree. Today, the first and last of every Tree Speaks to humankind. Come to me, here beside the River. Plant yourself beside me, here beside the River. Each of you, descendant of some passed On traveller, has been paid for. You, who gave me my first name, you Pawnee, Apache and Seneca, you Cherokee Nation, who rested with me, then Forced on bloody feet, left me to the employment of Other seekers--desperate for gain, Starving for gold. You, the Turk, the Swede, the German, the Scot ... You the Ashanti, the Yoruba, the Kru, bought Sold, stolen, arriving on a nightmare Praying for a dream. Here, root yourselves beside me. I am that Tree planted by the River, Which will not be moved. I, the Rock, I the River, I the Tree I am yours--your Passages have been paid.
Lift up your faces, you have a piercing need For this bright morning dawning for you. History, despite its wrenching pain, Cannot be unlived, and if faced With courage, need not be lived again. Lift up your eyes upon The day breaking for you. Give birth again To the dream. Women, children, men, Take it into the palms of your hands. Mold it into the shape of your most Private need. Sculpt it into The image of your most public self. Lift up your hearts Each new hour holds new chances For new beginnings. Do not be wedded forever To fear, yoked eternally To brutishness. The horizon leans forward, Offering you space to place new steps of change. Here, on the pulse of this fine day You may have the courage To look up and out upon me, the Rock, the River, the Tree, your country. No less to Midas than the mendicant. No less to you now than the mastodon then. Here on the pulse of this new day You may have the grace to look up and out And into your sister's eyes, into Your brother's face, your country And say simply Very simply With hope Good morning. Inaugural Poem, 20 January 1993
In their name I accept the award. And I am sure this award is going to bring an understanding love between the rich and the poor. And this is what Jesus has insisted so much, that is why Jesus came to earth, to proclaim the good news to the poor. And through this award and through all of us gathered here together, we are wanting to proclaim the good news to the poor that God loves them, that we love them, that they are somebody to us, that they too have been created by the same loving hand of God, to love and to be loved. Our poor people are great people, are very lovable people, they don't need our pity and sympathy, they need our understanding love. They need our respect; they need that we treat them with dignity. And I think this is the greatest poverty that we experience, that we have in front of them who may be dying for a piece of bread, but they die to such dignity. I never forget when I brought a man from the street. He was covered with maggots; his face was the only place that was clean. And yet that man, when we brought him to our home for the dying, he said just one sentence: I have lived like an animal in the street, but I am going to die like an angel, love and care, and he died beautifully. He went home to God, for dead is nothing but going home to God. And he having enjoyed that love, that being wanted, that being loved, that being somebody to somebody at the last moment, brought that joy in his life. And I feel one thing I want to share with you all, the greatest destroyer of peace today is the cry of the innocent unborn child. For if a mother can murder her own child in her womb, what is left for you and for me to kill each other? Even in the scripture it is written: Even if mother could forget her child - I will not forget you - I have carved you in the palm of my hand. Even if mother could forget, but today millions of unborn children are being killed. And we say nothing. In the newspapers you read numbers of this one and that one being killed, this being destroyed, but nobody speaks of the millions of little ones who have been conceived to the same life as you and I, to the life of God, and we say nothing, we allow it. To me the nations who have legalized abortion, they are the poorest nations. They are afraid of the little one, they are afraid of the unborn child, and the child must die because they don't want to feed one more child, to educate one more child, the child must die. And here I ask you, in the name of these little ones, for it was that unborn child that recognized the presence of Jesus when Mary came to visit Elizabeth, her cousin. As we read in the gospel, the moment Mary came into the house, the little one in the womb of his mother, lift with joy, recognized the Prince of Peace. And so today, let us here make a strong resolution, we are going to save every little child, every unborn child, give them a chance to be born. And what we are doing, we are fighting abortion by adoption, and the good God has blessed the work so beautifully that we have saved thousands of children, and thousands of children have found a home where they are loved, they are wanted, they are cared. We have brought so much joy in the homes that there was not a child, and so today, I ask His Majesties here before you all who come from different countries, let us all pray that we have the courage to stand by the unborn child, and give the child an opportunity to love and to be loved, and I think with God's grace we will be able to bring peace in the world. We have an opportunity here in Norway, you are with God's blessing, you are well to do. But I am sure in the families and many of our homes, maybe we are not hungry for a piece of bread, but maybe there is somebody there in the family who is unwanted, unloved, uncared, forgotten, there isn't love. Love begins at home. And love to be true has to hurt. I never forget a little child who taught me a very beautiful lesson. They heard in Calcutta, the children, that Mother Teresa had no sugar for her children, and this little one, Hindu boy four years old, he went home and he told his parents: I will not eat sugar for three days, I will give my sugar to Mother Teresa. How much a little child can give. After three days they brought into our house, and there was this little one who could scarcely pronounce my name, he loved with great love, he loved until it hurt. And this is what I bring before you, to love one another until it hurts, but don't forget that there are many children, many children, many men and women who haven't got what you have. And remember to love them until it hurts. Sometime ago, this to you will sound very strange, but I brought a God child from the street, and I could see in the face of the child that the child was hungry.
God knows how many days that the child had not eaten. So I gave her a piece of bread. And then the little one started eating the bread crumb by crumb. And I said to the child, eat the bread, eat the bread. And she looked at me and said: I am afraid to eat the bread because I'm afraid when it is finished I will be hungry again. This is a reality, and yet there is a greatness of the poor. One evening a gentleman came to our house and said, there is a Hindu family and the eight children have not eaten for a long time. Do something for them. And I took rice and I went immediately, and there was this mother, those little one's faces, shining eyes from sheer hunger. She took the rice from my hand, she divided into two and she went out. When she came back, I asked her, where did you go? What did you do? And one answer she gave me: They are hungry also. She knew that the next door neighbor, a Muslim family, was hungry. What surprised me most, not that she gave the rice, but what surprised me most, that in her suffering, in her hunger, she knew that somebody else was hungry, and she had the courage to share, share the love. And this is what I mean, I want you to love the poor, and never turn your back to the poor, for in turning your back to the poor, you are turning it to Christ. For he had made himself the hungry one, the naked one, the homeless one, so that you and I have an opportunity to love him, because where is God? How can we love God? It is not enough to say to my God I love you, but my God, I love you here. I can enjoy this, but I give up. I could eat that sugar, but I give that sugar. If I stay here the whole day and the whole night, you would be surprised of the beautiful things that people do, to share the joy of giving. And so, my prayer for you is that truth will bring prayer in our homes, and from the foot of prayer will be that we believe that in the poor it is Christ. And we will really believe, we will begin to love. And we will love naturally, we will try to do something. First in our own home, next door neighbor in the country we live, in the whole world. And let us all join in that one prayer, God give us courage to protect the unborn child, for the child is the greatest gift of God to a family, to a nation and to the whole world. God bless you! Oslo, 10 December 1979 12
