



Study with the several resources on Docsity
Earn points by helping other students or get them with a premium plan
Prepare for your exams
Study with the several resources on Docsity
Earn points to download
Earn points by helping other students or get them with a premium plan
An account of the 1885 General Election in Limerick, Ireland, which marked the high point of Parnell's leadership of nationalist Ireland. the increase in the electorate, the abolition of constituencies, and the selection of candidates, with a focus on Limerick City and County.
Typology: Exercises
1 / 5
This page cannot be seen from the preview
Don't miss anything!




he general election of 1885 was an important milestone in the history of lrish nationalism. It marked the high point of Parnell's leadership of nationalist Ireland. It also marked the half-way point in his leader- ship of the lrish Parliamentary Party. The party of 61 members which he had been leading since May 1880, was not completely his; solid supporters num- bered no more than 30'. After the gen- eral election of 1885, when the party returned with 85 lrish seats, it was his to command. (Parnell in fact com- manded 86 seats in the house of com- mons because T.P. O'Connor, w h o was returned for the Scottish Division of Liverpool, voted with the Parnellites). This election also gave Parnell the balance of power in the House of Com- m o n s where his 86 seats was the exact difference between the Liberals (335) and the Conservatives (231) and lrish Conservatives (18). Whoever formed a government would need Parnell's sup- port. This election result precipitated Gladstone's conversion to Home Rule. In contesting the election the Parnel- lite organisation, the National League, undoubtedly derived benefit from the new Representation of the People Act (December 1884) which, by granting the right t o vote to all householders in counties and boroughs and to lodgers in the counties, raised the electorate from some 200,000 to over 600,000. The agricultural labourers n o w had the vote as well as the working class. In Limerick city the electorate rose from 1,934 (1880) to 6,010 (1885) and in the county from 6,072 (1880) to 16, (1885)~.This dramatic increase i n the electorate frightened the lrish Tories who vievved it as a further democratisa- tion of the lrish representation3. Parnell had firm control now over "an unsophisticated electorate4", and he publicly demonstrated h o w firm that control was. This was as true of Limerick as elsewhere.
This was also the first general elec- tion contested under the Redistribution of Seats Act (1885). The t w o Limerick constituencies (City and County) which
had returned t w o MPS each since 1832 were abolished. In their stead there were now three constituencies return- ing one member each: Limerick City with an electorate of 6,010, Limerick East (8,474) and Limerick West (7,827). Nationally, the 1885 general election returned 103 members for 101 con- stuencies. 21 members were returned without a contest, of w h o m 19 were Home Rulers, t w o of them in Limerick East and West5. The following table shows the extent of the Nationalist ~ i c t o r y : ~.
gate, usually a priest, took the chair for a public session. At this stage both the selected candidate and those w h o had "withdrawn their names in the interest of unity" were " e u l ~ g i s e d " ~. The three outgoing members of par- liament for Limerickwere all Home Rul- ers - Edward McMahon, who had been returned in the by-election of 1883 for the city, and E.J. Synan and W.H. O'Sul- livan for the county. Neither Synan, w h o represented the constituency since 1859, nor O'Sullivan, holding the seat since 1874 and a Parnell supporter
Party No. of Candidates Returned Nationalists 90 85 Conservatives 67 16 Liberals 16 - Loyalists (^6) - Independents (^4) - Indep. Cons. (^3 ) Indep. Nats. (^1) -
187 103
The National League, as will be seen, was strong in Limerick city and county. As Parnell's constituency organisation, although only three years old, it was a highly organised ' electioneering machine. While it appeared t o be democratic it was in fact "an autocrati- cally controlled body7." It was domi- nated by a 30 man committee which had never been elected, half of whose members were probably nominated by Parnell himself, and whose powers were never defined. Members of this committee w h o visited Limerick during the course of the election campaign were Tim Healy, Charles Dawson, T.D. Sullivan, ~ d h nRedmond and John O'Connor. Another member of the committee, William Abraham, was a candidate in Limerick West. The role of the National League government from Dublin was clearly seen in the attempt to find a candidate to run in Limerick city. Limerick, both city and county, proved typical of the manner in which candidates for the nationalist party were selected: the delegates met in pri- vate session underthe chairmanship of a visiting M.P. They selected a candi- date and then issued an "official" ver- sion t o the press. After that, some dele-
when returned in 1880, appears to have been considered for the election of
The MPS present were John Red- mond, John O'Connor and T.D. Sulli- van, w h o took the chair. The priests included t w o noted land agitators, Fr. Eugene Sheehy of Bruree, who- was elected Honorary Secretary, and Fr.
David Humphries of Murroe. The nine candidates whose names were put for- ward included the outgoing Synan and O'Sullivan. However, William Abra- ham and John Finucane were selected without a contest for Limerick West and East respectivelyI3. Abraham, of Fort Prospect in Limerick, a member of the committee of the National League as noted above, was a Protestant whose involvement in the Land War (1879-'82) had earned him three spells in prison and nodoubt n o w helped t o earn h i m his selection. He was Chairman of the Limerick Board of Guardians. His proposer, Fr. Sheehy, told the convention that if Parnell sent a "grey horse" to Limerick they would vote for w c h an animal14. This was a curious but t e l l ~ n gtribute to Parnell's influence in nationalist Ireland, even if it did come from one who made no sec- ret of his admiration for the lrish leader. In recommending Abraham, Fr. Sheehy made pointed reference t o the support of the Catholic clergy in Limerick for a member of another faith. This, he felt, was an indication of how Protestants could expect to be treated i n an lrish parliament. Abraham took up thesame theme. He was living proof t o Englishmen who believed that Home Rule was "Rome Rule" that "religion or religious distinction had nothing t o do with the lrish c a u ~ e " ' ~.
John Finucane, of Coole House, Caherelly, near Limerick, the candidate for Limerick East, served alongside Abraham* as ' Vice-chairman of the Limerick Board of Guardians. He was a farmer who claimed that he was "amongst the oldest agitators in the South of Ireland"16. His clerical prop- oser was Fr. Kelly, C.C., Castleconnell. Finucane does not appear t o have played as public a role in the election campaign as his colleague in Limerick West.
Later that night, taking advantage of the presence in the city of leaders of the party and the hundreds of dele- gates to convention, Fr. Sheehy deli- vered a lecture at the Theatre Royal. The Mayor, Stephen O'Mara, presided over the gathering, the theme of which was "Our Hopes and How to Attain Them"". Before he embarked on his wide-ranging and well-received ver- sion of the history of lrish ills, Fr. Sheehy referred to the happenings of that day. The convention, be believed, "marked the closing of an era of National wrong and ushered in and hastened on the era of National rede- mption"18. This effectively struck the key-note for the nationa?istcampaign. "The Priests and People were prepared to sustain the standard of Mr. Parnell and his party", he said. Towards the end of his long address he warned that: "The longer England postponed the restoration of their rights ... the ful- ler would be the concession of lrish
liberty they would finally resolve ... ,819.. The aftermath of the lecture intro- duced another note which was t o engage nationalist attention for a while: there was as yet no candidate for Limerick city. In thanking the Mayor for presiding over the night's entertain- ment John O'Connor, M.P., announced that it was the wish of the party that the Mayor, Stephen O'Mara, would stand i n the city. The Mayor was not prepared t o give an answer. The next day the Conservative opposition gathered under the auspices of the "Loyal Constitutional Club" t o select candidates to oppose Home Rule. The meeting was presided over by the prominent businessman, James Spaight. The candidates selected were Mr. C.B. Barrington, J.P., Glenstal, for Limerick East, Mr. J. Roche-Kelly of Islandmore, near Croom, for Limerick West and Mr. Edmund Russell for the city. It was hoped that these candidates could "conciliate Liberal as well as Conserva- tive support on the ground that a 'con-
the rights of in county and
In fact, the Conservatives were sim- ply going through the motions. The county candidates did not in the event contest the election at all. Neither did Russell i n the city. Instead, Spaight did. According to the Limerick Chronicle, "At the earnest entreaty of his friends ... among them being electors of every shade of religious thought and almost every grade of political opinion, he has consented once more to fling himself into the breachrrzz.But it was a losing battle, as even the paper later admitted
t o O'Connor's hint after Fr. Sheehy's lecture, was visited by a deputation on Saturday, 7 November. This attempt t o get a response ended in failure. The deputation made it clear that a 'no' ans- wer would be unacceptablez5. When the City Branch of the National League met on Thursday, 12 November,
O'Mara was in the chair. He stated that while he had the support of the Pig Buyers and the Limerick Union as well as that of the Parliamentary Party, he did not intend to run. Mr. John Dundon, solicitor, announced that he was not going to run eitherz6. The reluctance of local candidates to put themselves forward pointed to an unpalajable conclusion: the nationalist candidate i n Limerick might have to be an outsider. The Munster News noted that it would be "discreditable if a Limerick man is not selected". Although members of the League were refusing to "go in for the position", neither was the League prepared to support any one who contested the seat from "outside their ranks". Abraham n o w came forward to suggest that if neither O'Mara nor Dun- don was to run then the only c h ~ i c eleft was t o ask Parnell to send down "one
forced on the Convention. He held that the Convention in that room had given a flat denial to that state- ment and a greater calumny could not be stated in the Press than that the nomination of Mr. Gill wasatthe dictation of Mr. Parne1In3'. Certainly, the Limerick Chronicle was prepared to riskthe charge of calumny. Having described the nationalist con- ventions as "moonshine meetings", now, on the same page as the report of Fr. Bourke's speech the 'Chronicle' warned its public that "an edict from Mr. Parnell set them all (the local candi- dates) aside and placed above their heads a certain Mr. Gill, of Dublin". The editorial continued: W e wonder if any sensible Nationalist - one whose intelligence has not altogether forsaken him - has not arrived at the conclusion that the so-called Conventions of Mr. Parnell are not the most self-evi- dent imposition that has ever been inflicted upon an over-credulous people"38. Gill's election agent, the solicitor John Dundon, found possible virtue in
alwaysfollowthat the man who is local is the best judge of the local interests in the district or of the city". He consi- dered that an outsider with the right qualities could soon make himself acquainted with local inerests. Gill himself was still harping on this same theme a few days later when he addressed a meeting at the O'Connell Monument in the Crescent. "He had the disadvantage of not being a local man, but, perhaps, this was not so great a disadvantage as many thought. If a man were a true Irishman he would be given a hearty welcome all over the country"39. It is notable, since a history of ill- health is not generally considered an asset when running for public office, that his supporters were at pains to point out that Gill had wrecked his health in the Irish cause while sitting for Westmeath County from 1880 to 1883. He had in fact resigned to recuperate4'. The 'Chronicle'ended up by asking somewhat testily: "Will the Mayor and his friends explain how it is that no Limerick man is thought worthy of rep-
Conservative and Loyalist as we are, if we are to be represented by a Nationalist, we prefer a local onen4'. Spaight, who "found it impossible to do a personal canvass" made his bid for support in a Public Notice which appeared in both the 'Chronicle' and the Munster News. "At the urgent sol- icitation of many friends, including Conservatives and Liberals, Catholics and Protestants, I have consented once more to address you and seek your suf- frage~''. His assurance, to what must have been either extremely optimistic or very politically unsophisticated sup-
porters, went on to state that "recent startling changes in the political atmos- phere have almost obliterated the old party landmarks, and, now, in the pre- sence of common danger, Conserva- tive and Liberal, Catholic and Protes- tant, can stand side by side as defen- ders of the Crown and Constitution". Describing himself as a tenant farmer and "a large employer of labour", he continued that while he would do his best to examine the causes of the "gen- eral depression", he would "counte- nance no attempt to impose duty on the food of our toiling millions"42. Those who considered themselves the defenders of the interests of Spaight's "toiling millions" appear to have changed their stance since O'Mara had declared that he wished for a contest in order to give the Conserva- tives "a good beating". O'Mara now accused the Conservative candidate of "involving the city in turmoil and tumult over an election, out of which he cannot hope to issue even in a less dis- graceful mannerthan those in which he was formerly engaged". Dundon and Fr. D. Shanahan also attacked Spaight for his address43.
people, despite the efforts of the Boher- buoy band to attract a crowd, and much enthusiasm did not seem to prevail"45. Gill was reported as saying, "I believe that we shall within the next two years obtain the just rights of Ire- land"46.This seems to have been his last address to the electors because on the next two nights he did not appear, having suffered a sprained foot in his hotel, which kept him aFay also from the count on the following Saturday. The Munster News used these last rallies before the city po'lls opened on Friday, 27 November, to make its con- tribution to the theme of nationalist anger at the Conservative fight for the seat: "The intolerant minority will do nothing to conciliate the people - they will neither support their claims to equal privilege with them- selves, or ...to any at all, striving rather to keep them in the slavish dependence in which they have been so long heldrr4'. After pointing out that the extended franchise had created "overwhelming odds" for the Conservatives, the paper attributed the contest in Limerick city to
Election meeting at Limerick.
The final nationalist rallies were held at the O'Connell Monument where, the Mayor presiding on the three nights, from Monday, 23 November to Wednesday, the crowds were entertained by two brass bands. At least the Munster News was enter- tained", but the Limerick Chronicle painted a darker picture: "The Mayor presided over a small number of
"the merest wanton bravado" which would require the people of Limerick "to hurl back in the teeth of those who flung them, the insults which are offered the Nationalist party by the Tory minority, through the address to which their representative's name is signed"48. These last minutefulminations of the Nationalists aaainst the Conservatives
seem to have been the only bit of excitement in an election which would be remembered, "as one of the least interesting that has ever been held in the city". Whereas in England the Tories had enjoyed "unexpected suc- cess" and the Whigs made a "desper- ate battle for s ~ p r e m a c y " ~ ~ ,in Ireland the result was a foregone conclusion, not least i n the Limerick constituencies: There had been no bustle or excite- ment in the city on polling day. There was a l o w turn-out of voters. It proved difficult t o get the nationalist voters out as they foresaw no difficulty in defeat- ing the Conservative candidate. There was apathy also on the Conservative side because the Nationalist could not be defeated. .t
Gill received 3,098 votes to Spaight's
will give them the management of their o w n affairsn5'. The result was greeted w i t h predicta- ble chagrin by the Limerick Chronicle, as it declared "...the irresponsible majority have thought fit ... t o swap an influential Dublin hatter for an equally influential Dublin book binder"52. (The 'hatter' can only be a reference to Edward McMahonl.
Warming t o its theme, the 'Chronicle' went on t o claim that there had been an "unprecedented number of blunders" at several of the polling booths and that the number of spoilt and otherwise illegal votes was very considerable. (The Munster News gives a total of 36 papers "unmarked in any way" and 44 "wrongly marked".) Bewailing the l o w poll, the 'Chronicle' claimed that "The only inference t o be drawn is that those silent voters, w h o had not sufficient courage to cast in their lot manfully with the Conservatives, were either anti-Parnell to a man, or had got thoroughly disgusted with Parnellite manipulation of this ill-starred consti- t ~ e n c y " ~ ~. It would appear that of the 800 Pro- testant voters on the register, "only something like 390 came out". This would mean that the balance of
There had been an irregularity. The brass figure of '8' which was provided for use in sealing the boxes of papers, at the end of the voting, was used in three stations t o stamp the actual ballot papers (at the Market, Rural and Cus- t o m House booths)55. Spaight agreed to the Mayor's request that the 726 vot- ers involved should not be disfranch- ised and these were included in the totals. Another complaint was made by James O'Mara. He found the Register or Parliamentary List of Voters for Limerick "remarkable for mis-spelling, misdescription and other errors". He said that it was impossible to find on the Register those entitled to vote. (This may have been due to the haste with which the register was drawn up to facilitate the election - t h e Franchise Act had only become law o n 6 December 1884). The Munster News at any rate blamed the Clerk of the Union: "We will not g o to the length of saying, by any means, that the lists were 'jer- rymandered', but their preparation was evidently treated very lightly". Names, they said, were printed "higgledy- piggledy'' and "dictionary order" was disregarded5=.
Polling day in Limerick East was Monday, 1 December. Finucane, accompanied by supporters, and Abraham, gathered about one o'clock at the County Courthouse in Limerick. As was to be expected "no excitement prevailed". Two hours later, for want of any other nominations, he was declared the member for Limerick East.57. On the following day Abraham, accompanied by Fr. Sheehy, arrived at Rathkeale Courthouse for the same for- mality. Fr. Sheehy, hyperbole at the ready, observed that the result in Limerick West "told the world that Limerick was the platform upon which the fallen foe of lreland dare not stand a defeat".
On 17 December 1885, the Hawarden Kite announced Gladstone's conver- sion t o Home Rule. Parnell and his party were, it seemed, within sight of the goal which they had dangled i n front of the electorate during the cam- paign.
REFERENCES