Download Institutional Ethnography - Structuring Social Relations and more Study notes Sociology in PDF only on Docsity!
“Lockout:” School Structure and Social Realities On the first day that I visited Babel High School, I was walking through the halls to
see the campus. Shortly after the bell rang to begin classes, I heard a girl looking into a
classroom, pleading with whom I presume was the teacher inside. A moment later, she
walked out toward me and muttered “such bullshit” half under her breath, but perhaps just
loud enough to be heard. She was a young black girl and when she gave me a questioning
glance, I asked her what was going on. She replied, “I have to go to lockout…again. It’s so
stupid, I was like two seconds late.” She then just as abruptly walked away, down the hall
and around the corner. At first, I did not understand what she meant by “lockout,” but after
asking the vice principal, he informed me that it was a sort of in-‐school suspension for
students who were late to class. If a student was late, she had to report to “lockout” in
order to not be counted absent. While this concept was foreign to me, I set out to see if it
resembled the “dungeon” that Ann Arnett Ferguson discusses in her work, Bad Boys: Public
Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity (Ferguson, 2000, p. 593). Just as it was in the
“dungeon”, the “lockout” population was predominantly comprised of black males.
Over the course of my time spent at Babel High School, I began to see that not only did “lockout” profoundly affect the entire student body, but also that the girl I first
encountered was not alone in her disapproval of it. From what I gathered, the teachers
unanimously approve of “lockout,” while students ideally would eliminate the institution.
In general, the institution causes an environment of rigidity between classes, as the majority of social interactions outside of class occur within the time constraints caused by
the possibility of “lockout,” of discipline. As students made their way through the sprawling
mass of buildings, they deliberately moved toward their respective classrooms, taking a
moment to socialize in front of the room they would shortly have to enter. Others went
directly into their next classroom in order to stretch out the few short moments to socialize
with their classmates before the teacher brought the class to order.
The term “structure(s)” will be used on numerous occasions in this analysis.
Primarily, the “structure” of a school is meant to communicate the means by which the school defines itself, from the physical layout of the school and the location of certain classes to the governing principles that fundamentally determine how each institution
teaches and relates to its students. This analysis investigates the impact of the structure of
a school on the social constructs of its student body, especially as they relate to racial
separation or integration. I chose to begin with my abrupt encounter with “lockout”
because it immediately distinguished the character of Babel High School from that of my
own high school. While I am principally concerned with the situation at Babel High School,
the juxtaposition of the school with the school I attended, Ashcroft High School, provides the necessary context to establish the verity of how school structures influence the social
lives of the students.
A ‘Colorful’ Walk: Ashcroft High
study how another school’s structure exacerbated or minimized racial separation, the more
important consideration was the mechanisms that resulted in the social realities present.
The year after I graduated from Ashcroft High School, the county rezoned the area. A
large, upper-‐middle class neighborhood called Bent Oak, which is predominantly white, became zoned for another high school as some areas closer to Ashcroft High had been
developed heavily with lower-‐income housing. I remember hearing students and parents
alike lamenting that the school was “going to go down the tubes,” and like sentiments. At
the time I thought of such comments only as they related to people I knew that lived in Bent
Oak. When I recently returned to the school, I was anxious to see if the same walk around
the academic buildings would look the same. Ultimately, that walk was the only similarity
between the school that from which I had graduated and the one standing before me.
No Child Left Behind: School Administrators’ Supervisor In order to understand the reasons why schools, Ashcroft and Babel High included, fail to meet the particular needs of their students, one must understand the governmental
superstructure that pervades every public educational institution. The political tenor of the
day categorically defines the basic requirements of any public curriculum, classifying what
should be taught and to what ends any subject should be directed. For instance, I learned
about the Civil Rights Movement in high school in both English and History courses. At
Babel High, I found the same to be true. While the public schools certainly should teach
students about the Civil Rights Movement, the manner in which schools define it is
fundamentally flawed. At Babel, I walked by an English class where the teacher had put up
student projects on the wall in the hallway. One the most prominently positioned posters
had the dates 1955-‐1968 on it, as if the movement had ended with the death of Martin
Luther King, Jr. When I discussed the issue with two students, both spoke of issues like
racism, civil rights and inequality as if they were tragic aspects of some past version of our
nation. Thus, the curriculum consolidates discussions of racial inequality under the
auspices of one movement, conveyed with a false sense of finality. Regardless of specific,
monumental events in the Civil Rights Movement, attaching an end date to the cause
relegates it to the chapters of history in the minds of many. This proves detrimental, as
“complacency is a state of mind that exists only in retrospective,” according to novelist
Vladimir Nabokov (Nabokov, 1955).
At Babel High, as in other public schools, the No Child Left Behind Act is an
imperative ruling relation presiding over every aspect of the institution. In fact, on the wall
of the principal hallway in the school, George Bush is quoted, stating that “no child shall be
left behind.” As one proceeds down that very hallway, she finds herself at Building S, where
the political science classes are held. Fashioned in a similar manner as the Civil Rights
posters, a United States Government class displayed its students’ projects on the wall. One
in particular caught my attention. The title of the project was “All Children Left Behind.”
While only scant details could be ascertained from the poster, those included
communicated a sense of disillusionment with the system. Nevertheless, when I asked
why stick to principle when there’s money at stake? The dynamic, however, is not quite so
simple. If Babel High School, for instance, attempts to adequately serve its students to the
greatest extent possible, it must fail them as this would require some degree of
abandonment of the politics. Ultimately, forsaking the governmental mandate on schools
results in decreased funding, further limiting a school’s potential to provide an adequate
education to its students. Matthew 6:24 states, “no man can serve two masters.” This
sentiment perfectly relates to public schools, as they cannot serve both the government and
the students simultaneously.
Ultimately, Babel High School’s bondage to larger political structures means
bondage to social reproduction. While at first I was inclined to believe that the school was
powerless against political constraints that perpetuate social reproduction. How does a
school oppose a system upon which it depends for its very survival? The answer does not
lie in some tangible solution; there is no “quick fix.” The school does, however, possess a
great deal of power in the effort to free itself from external pressures bearing down on it. It
is simply not exercising that power to the extent it must. Consider the discourse between
the students about the No Child Left Behind Act, which, for our purposes, shall serve as the
manifestation of all political influence on education. Out of the several students who
expressed an opinion on the matter, not one defended it. Presumably, at least one student
would blindly support the act out of patronage to his or her conservatism. Considering the
fact that public school teachers and administrators alike almost unanimously oppose the
act, they seem to have communicated their discontent to the students either implicitly or
explicitly. The students in turn espoused disapproval, albeit superficial. One significant and
plausible change needed is for teachers to promote a deeper understanding on behalf of
students as to the reasons why they should disapprove of it. Somewhere in the delirium of
adolescent volatility, the fact is lost that high school students can vote either during or
shortly after school. If students are informed to such an extent, than nothing that
comprehensively detriments the public educational system can remain for long. Prior to
such developments, Babel High School must find a way to promote its students’ success and
well-‐being based on their individual needs.
“Lockout” vs. the Students
“Lockout” aside for the moment, the disillusionment of the student body to certain aspects of their educational experience significantly impedes their association with the
system. Despite the extant flaws of the system in the event of active participation in it, the
more critical deficiencies are those that compel students to disassociate from it. How does
a school justify a practice that vastly disagrees with its students? Granted, not all structures
will be well received by the student body. There is, however, a fundamental need to create
an environment that engages individuals. This quality of an educational institution is
essential to its success. Outside of this, students cannot and will not relate to their
environment. To this end, Ferguson defends the institutionalization of “Black English” in
order to “reduce the painful, inhospitable climate of schools for African American children.”
statutes as the No Child Left Behind Act. Students often have a proclivity to assess their
intelligence and other’s on the basis of test scores: the higher the SAT scores, for instance,
the smarter the student is supposedly (Newmann, Wehlage, & Lamborn, 1992). In this
dynamic time of self-‐evaluation and development, the school system remains a slave to a static system of rules and standards established by an intangible and inanimate
governmental body.
Through many outlets, students seek to relate to their peers and establish their
independence. While the results of these efforts are varied, adolescents define themselves
within the context of school and outside of its confines. Meanwhile, schools are seemingly
oblivious to this primal need in the developmental stage of their students’ lives. The
simultaneous increase in academic demands, personal autonomy and complexity of social
relationships expedite self-‐determination. Considering the decrease in familial
dependency, high school students come to define themselves in relation to their peers and
seek out groups composed of similar students. Consequently, students become inclined to
separate according to racial groups, as they seek acceptance from their peers, especially
those of similar circumstances (Roderick, 2000, pg. 155 -‐ 159 ).
At Babel High School, this inclination of students to associate with like-‐minded
students and individuals of comparable ability is readily apparent. In class, students do
their utmost to establish groups with common interests and qualities. In between classes,
students act accordingly, socializing as much as possible with their respective peer groups.
In unstructured milieus, such as lunch and before school, the various social groups are
most readily apparent. Concurrently, the students demonstrate racial identifications most
explicitly under such circumstances. Ultimately, the structure of the school profoundly
affects the social patterns of the student body. Certain constructs have positive influences
on the students while others negatively impact them.
Back to Babel: The Mission Statement While walking through Building C, I came upon a room with a paper hanging on the door, with a quote by Ric Latarski, stating: Education is considered the silver bullet to most of our ills, and the key to education
is the ability to read and write. If you can read and write, you can learn, and if you can
learn, you can improve your station in life, no matter where you start.
Despite some truthfulness to this statement, it provides an interesting text for the
students who pass by and through that door. While Latarski was communicating the
importance of the ability to learn, to think independently, the context in which it is
displayed gives it another connotation. Across the hall from the quote is another classroom,
with the words “Business Law” next to the door. I recalled something the assistant
principal had said to me when I asked him about some of the classes offered. He said, “it’s a
college,” and continued to explain how the school provided a variety of courses that helped
the students learn subjects that would help them become successful in their careers.
courses throughout the day. Subject material generally differentiates the buildings. The
English building, for instance, houses freshman through senior classes in relatively close
proximity.
The proximity of different academic levels benefits the students by significantly
decreasing the social separation of students based on race. Naturally, the lack of physical
separation of races present at Ashcroft High fosters interaction between students of
different races. Under those circumstances, students have to deliberately set out to interact
with members of other races. Even when a student was so inclined, she or he would also
have to enter a place where he was the “other.” For example, a Black student who typically
frequented the area around Buildings 5 and 6 would be viewed questioningly if she or he decided to go and socialize with students who had grown accustomed to the same faces
around Building 8, and vise versa. At Babel High, that same individual would not have to
take such drastic measures to do the same. Even though racial identification still occurs, it
certainly does not resemble the blatant isolation of different racial groups visible on the
Ashcroft campus.
While the nearness of different academic strata seems beneficial to the student
body, the same proves detrimental in the case of different age levels. When I asked the
assistant principals their perspectives on this reality, both corroborated my suspicions.
One assistant principal, Ms. Smith, intimated that the proximity of the different age groups
negatively affected the younger students, especially the males. She attributed this to the
desire of freshman boys to seek approval from the more senior males. As previously
mentioned, the adolescent years during high school constitute a pivotal developmental
period. Thus, the older students easily sway freshman boys who look up to them. Thus, Ms.
Smith said that the influence of the upperclassmen exacerbates the delinquency in the
younger classes.
Ultimately, proximity represents one of the most noteworthy ruling relations in the
social lives of students. This is true of both Ashcroft and Babel High School, though it
promotes fundamentally contrasting outcomes.
Jarrod and Darrell: Impact of the Babel High’s Structure on Individuals When the bell rang for lunch one day, I noticed a black student (who I’ll call Jarrod)
walking out of a classroom laughing with a white male. Shortly thereafter, they met up with
another white male who had come from another class. Jarrod’s class that had just ended
was an Honors level course, while the other student had come from an AP class. At first, I
simply wanted to watch them go to lunch to see where they would sit, not interfering with
what seemed to be a routine occurrence. During lunch, the three boys sat together with a
group of several other students, one of whom was black. While they all talked to others
around them, the group seemed pretty self-‐contained. After lunch, Jarrod went towards
Conclusions and Suggestions The structure of a school profoundly affects students’ social behavior, especially as it
pertains to the separation or integration of members of different races. A school’s structure
determines the proximity between students of different races and academic levels.
Proximity ultimately results in two different outcomes. The proximity of the different
classes (Freshman, Sophomore, etc.) negatively influences the students. Conversely, the
proximity of the different courses (General, Honors, AP) positively affects the students and
promotes racial separation.
Before anything else, students of different races must exist in some proximity to one
another. Not even substantial changes in the curriculum or in the institution in general will
effectively promote social equality, much less equity, if the students remain physically
separated from other racial groups. Adolescents, regardless of race or background, seek
certain needs and comforts. The typical adolescent therefore would be deterred from
socializing regularly with other racial groups. First, physical separation would produce
dynamics of “us” and the “other” in social situations. Even if students could overcome this,
most students would be incapable of doing so, as they would not have time to go to another
location, socialize and return in the short time between classes. Therefore, the school
structure must distinguish the students based only on age, not on academic acuity.
While no one high school can accomplish this on its own, the public education system must endeavor to liberate itself from the ill-‐founded, superimposed standards of adequacy and excellence established by political forces, namely the No Child Left Behind
Act. At Babel High School, teachers have apparently considered this, but they have not
properly pursued it. In order to accomplish this, Babel High School and others need to
sufficiently educate students about the insidious effects that such legislation has on
schools. Therefore, public schools should promote in-‐class colloquia for students to
espouse views that challenge the political tenor of the day. Through such discourses,
teachers have to make the information accessible and relatable, enumerating explicitly had
such superstructures profoundly affect each and every student. Then, and only then,
schools can encourage students to actively oppose such edicts as adults. And finally, free of
the crushing weight of federal sanctions, teachers and administrators will be able to attend to the specific needs of their students without having to compromise with a presiding
power.
Mark Twain once said, “I never let my schooling interfere with my education.”
Ultimately, public schools need to be free to not interfere with their students education.
