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Chapter 7
Language and variation
7.1 Introduction
The study of language variation is an important part of sociolinguistics , to the extent that it requires reference to social factors. Languages vary from one place to another, from one social group to another, and from one situation to another, and these are the main topics of this chapter. They are treated in § 6.2 Geographical variation , § 6. Social variation , and § 6.4 Contextual variation , respectively. Language variation is a political issue, which is treated in § 6.5 Language policy in Asia and Africa.
7.1.1 Linguistic items and varieties
We talk and write about languages , dialects , sociolects, accents , jargons , registers , and so on and so forth, but none of these terms can be taken for granted and many of them are difficult to define in a satisfactory way. For example, if dialect is defined as a geographical subdivision of a language , we do not come very far without a definition of language , and subdivision is not a very clear concept, either. As the British linguist Richard Hudson writes, the «discussion will be easier if we have some technical terms to use, as we need to distance ourselves somewhat from the concepts represented by the words language and dialect , which are a reasonable reflection of our lay culture, called ‘common- sense knowledge’ […], but not helpful in sociolinguistics.» 1 Therefore, we need to start our discussion with a terminology that does not take very much for granted. Our most basic terms will be linguistic item and variety.
7.1.1.1 LINGUISTIC ITEM
Sociolinguists in most cases study social distribution of particular linguistic items , for example words , sounds , or grammatical constructions. Let us give some examples of linguistic items. The English pronouns yous ‘2nd^ person plural’ and you ‘2nd^ person singular or plural’ are linguistic items, and they have different social distributions; the former is found in certain non-standard varieties of English, while the latter occurs inter alia in all standard varieties and some other non-standard varieties. (^1) Page 21 in Richard Hudson 1996: Sociolinguistics. 2 nd (^) ed. (Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
If you take a look at a dialect atlas of England,^2 you will find that roughly, the word child is used in southern England and in Midland, while bairn is used in northern England. Child and bairn are different linguistic items. In England, the sound /√/, as in sun /»s√n/, is a typical southern sound, found in southern England and in South Midland, while this sound is not used among speakers of dialects in North Midland and northern England, where, for example, the word sun is pronounced /»sUn/, with the sound /U/, which is found in put /»pUt/ in most dialects also in the South (some areas have /√/). The English phonemes /√/ and /U/ are different linguistic items. The suffix – ing of written English, as in coming , is pronounced /IN/ and /In/, as in /»k√mIN/ and /»k√mIn/, and the two pronunciations have different social distributions: the former is a typical standard pronunciation and the latter a typical non-standard pronunciation. The English suffixes /IN/ and /In/ are different linguistic items. In the English dialects of England, the most widespread past tense of catch /»kQtS/ is catched /»kQtSt/, while the standard dialect and some other dialects have caught /»kç˘t/. The English past tense forms catched /»kQtSt/ and caught /»kç˘t/ are different linguistic items. Give it to me! is an example of a Standard English grammatical construction, with a verb (here in the imperative) followed by a pronoun referring to a patient and a prepositional phrase containing the preposition to plus a pronoun referring to a recipient. In traditional dialects of England, this construction is not very common, being found primarily in the South-west and in some areas on the south-eastern coast (including the London area). The construction with the widest geographical distribution in England is Give me it! and Give it me! These three sentences, Give it to me! , Give me it! , and Give it me! , are instances of three different grammatical constructions, each of which is a linguistic item.
7.1.1.2 VARIETY
There are many ways of speaking, and each way of speaking is a variety. In a more precise manner, a variety may be defined as a set of linguistic items with similar social distribution.^3 It should be emphasized that a variety is not necessarily a «full-fledged language», with a large vocabulary and grammar. It may simply be a small set of linguistic items, as is the case with a slang , which may typically be defined as a quite restricted set of new words and new meanings of older words, mixed with linguistic items with a much larger social distribution; cf. § 6.3.2. and (1g) on the next page. In (1), we have given some examples of sentences in different varieties of language. On the basis of these examples, we can ask some of the central questions of this chapter, like: Do these varieties represent the same or different languages? Do these varieties represent the same or different dialects of the same language? – and so on. More concretely, one could for example ask how many different languages are represented in (1), and there is no unique answer. (^2) A very good one is Clive Upton and J. D. A. Widdowson 1996: An Atlas of English dialects. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Most of the examples in § 6.1.1.1 are taken from this book. (^3) Cf. Richard Hudson (ibid.).
MAP 1. The main Fulani of West Africa are dark (blue) on the map.
7.2.2 Dialect
It is generally assumed that Fula is a language , that is, a single language , with a number of dialects. In this sense, a dialect is regarded as a geographical variety of a language, spoken in a certain area, and being different in some linguistic items from other geographical varieties of the same language. This definition of dialect is in common use among linguists, and differs from a usage found in several European language communities among non-linguists, where dialect is often used about «provincial» varieties that differ from the standard dia- lect , which is then regarded as the «proper language»; we shall come back to the standard dialect in § 6.2.6. The standard dialect is then regarded as the «non-dialectal» variety of the language. The dialect definition presented above is problematic in an important way: It presupposes a satisfactory definition of a language , but such a definition does not exist. We shall come back to this problem in the following.
7.2.3 Dialect continuum
The different Fula speaking areas in West Africa may be referred to as dialect areas , and there are between ten and fifteen major dialect areas. The most important ones are found in (i) northern Senegal and southern Mauritania, (2) Guinea, (3) Mali, (4) Burkina Faso, western Nigeria, and western Niger, (5) central Nigeria, and (6) eastern Nigeria and northern Cameroon. When speakers from neighboring dialect areas meet, they can communicate with each other without problems, each one her or his native variety. However, if a Fula speaker from one end of West Africa meets a Fula speaker from the other end, there may be problems, although communication is still possible, perhaps with some exceptions (speakers from eastern Nigeria and northern Cameroon
would have difficulties in understanding a speaker from Guinea), and depending to a certain extent upon individual speakers—everybody is not equally good at understanding dialects differing from their own.^5 Undoubtedly, the Fula speaking areas of West Africa can be described as a dialect continuum , which may be defined as follows:^6 A dialect continuum is a chain of dialects, let us say dialects 1–10, with the following property: Speakers of dialect 1 understand dialect 2 extremely well. Speakers of dialect 1 and dialect 3 understand each other rather less well, and speakers of dialect 1 and dialect 4 less well again. There comes to a point, however, say at dialect 5, where dialect 1 is no longer intelligible to the local people and vice versa. There are many dialect continua around the world. For example, the rural dialects of Portugal, Spain, France, and Italy constitute a dialect continuum. There is always mutual intelligibility between the dialects of neighboring villages, throughout the area, although the intelligibility decreases as the distance increases. Another European dialect continuum is found in Scandinavia, where there is always intelligibility among neighboring dialects of the North Germanic language area of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. The Arabic dialects from Morocco to Iraq also constitute a dialect continuum, and so does also a large part of the Indo-Aryan language area of northern India. Let us go back to the definition of dialect for a minute. One might try to formulate a new definition on the basis of the dialect continuum phenomenon, instead of on the basis of a language , proposing that a dialect is one of several mutually intelligible geographical varieties. Now, there are many «languages» that are mutually intelligible, for example Danish, Swedish, and Norwegian, or several of the Turkic languages, including Turkish and its closest neighbors, and our new definition of dialect forces us to claim that these «languages» are in a «dialect relationship» to each other. This may be quite meaningful, because, as we shall come back to, «languages» may emerge on several places along a dialect continuum, and the number may even vary at different times.
7.2.4 Isoglosses
What makes dialects—as well as languages—different is their differing sets of linguistic items. Take a look at TABLE 1 (next page) with some words from three different Fula dialects, Fuuta Tooro (Senegal / Mauritania), Maasina (Mali), and Aadamaawa (Nigeria / Cameroon). The two first words in TABLE 1 , those meaning ‘land’ and ‘book’, shows a case where the geographically central dialect of Maasina has different forms from the geographically peripheral dialects of Fuuta Tooro and Aadamaawa. This indicates that an innovation has taken place in the Maasina dialect, which has changed the fricatives /f/ and /s/ (the only fricatives in most dialects of Fula) into /w/ and /j/ (written y ) in coda position (cf. § 2.4.5 Syllables ). It is possible to show on a map the geographical distribution of those varieties of Fula that has fricatives in coda position and those (^5) The author of this chapter has personal experiences in this respect. First, he learnt the Fula dialect of eastern Nigeria and northern Cameroon. Some years later he went to Mali and experienced that he could communicate quite well with Fula speakers there. The main problems were at the lexical level. (^6) Adopted from William Downes 1998: Language and Society. 2 nd (^) ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
MAP 2. Korea
7.2.5.1 KOREAN: AN ABSTAND
LANGUAGE Everybody regards Korean as a language. It is relatively homogeneous, with good mutual intelligibility among speakers from different areas.^8 Furthermore, the Korean dialects could never reasonably be regard- ed as dialects of any other language; it is not even genetically related to any of its immediate neighbors. Many scholars re- gard Korean and Japanese as being genet- ically related, but the their relationship is very distant. They are much more distant than for example English and French. Korean can be regarded as a inde- pendent language because it is a ‘language by distance’. It is a relatively homogene- ous dialect cluster that is only distantly related to other languages. There is also only one Korean written standard language. There are some minor ortho- graphic divergences between North and South Korea that have arisen since the division in 1945, but the spellings are not diverse enough to justify talking about two different languages. Cf. § 6.5.2.
7.2.5.2 TURKIC AUSBAU LANGUAGES
MAP 3. Central Asia. (^8) Cf. Ho-Min Sohn 1999: The Korean Language. (Cambridge Language Surveys.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
As mentioned in Ch. 4, Language families , the Turkic language family has two main branches, r-Turkic and z-Turkic (or Common Turkic ). Among the z-Turkic languages are Turkmen , Uzbek , Kazakh , Kirgiz , and Uighur , which are spoken across a huge continuous area in Central Asia; cf. MAP 3. In the introduction of Central Asia Phrasebook ,^9 we are told: As one travels throughout the Turkic heart and periphery of Central Asia it becomes abundantly clear that the Turkic languages are really dialects of one another and not distinct languages at all. This means that in learning one, all the rest are understandable to a large degree. Herein lies the fun and the challenge. To illustrated how close these languages are, we have included TABLE 2 , which shows the numbers from 1 to 10 in Turkish and the five languages mentioned above.^10 As a speaker of for example Norwegian will notice, the numerals do not differ more between these languages than numerals in different Norwegian dialects. TURKISH TURKMEN UZBEK KAZAKH KIRGIZ UIGHUR 1 bir bir bir bir bir bir 2 iki iki iki iki eki ikki 3 üç üç üç üsç üç üç 4 dört dört tört tort tört töt 5 besç bäsç besç bes besç bäsç 6 altı altı altı altë altë altä 7 yedi yedi yetti jeti jeti yättä 8 sekiz sekiz säkkiz segiz segiz säkkiz 9 dokuz dokuz toqquz tog¨ëz tog¨uz toqquz 10 on on on on on on TABLE 2. The numerals from 1 to 10 in some Turkic languages. These Turkic languages constitute a continuum of closely related dialects. If the political situation had been different, the number of languages could also have been different. As Peter Trudgill (1997 : 152) writes, most languages, «have arisen out of dialect continuum situations and are considered separate languages for reasons that are by no means entirely linguistic». These are the typical Ausbau languages. Counting ‘languages’ in the Turkic dialect continuum implies more or less counting standard languages , which are treated in the next paragraph.
7.2.6 Standard languages
The adjective standard means ‘recognized as correct or acceptable’, and a standard language is a variety that in different ways is recognized as more correct and accept- able than other varieties. In many ways, standard variety is an equally appropriate designation. It has the following prototypical properties: (^9) Justin Jon Rudelson 1998: Central Asia Phrasebook. Languages of the Silk Road. Hawthorn: Lonely Planet. (^10) The orthographies of the individual languages have been adjusted to that of Turkish, to make the similarities between them even clearer.
When networks are strong, language tends to change more slowly, and stigmatized and low-status language items persist. We shall come back to this issue in § 6.3.2.
7.3.1.2 SOCIAL STRATIFICATION
There are hierarchical social structures in most or all societies, but not everywhere of the same type. In large parts of Europe, for example, society started to change about 200 years ago from a hierarchy of rank or station to a hierarchy of class. In the rank society, people are born with a certain rank, and there is low social mobility. In the class society, people are also born into a certain class, but there is a high social mobility. These differences influence the language situation in a society. In the rank society language differences do not play an important role. People learn to speak the variety they hear in their social network, and continue to speak that way for the rest of their lives. Their rank is primarily determined by their family background, and people cannot change their social status by changing their language. Highest in the hierarchy you often find an aristocracy In the class society things are quite different. Many people climb «upwards» in the class hierarchy, and as a part of their effort to change their social status, they change their language in the direction of people higher up in the hierarchy.
7.3.2 Sociolect
In the traditional European rank society people generally spoke the dialect of their home area, and there was only minor variation between the ranks. On the basis of a person’s language variety you could easily locate her or him geographically, but not at all to the same degree socially. In the end of the 18th^ century and in the beginning of the 19th, this society started to change, as a consequence of industrialization, which created new social strata—particularly a working class and a bourgeoisie or middle class—and oppor- tunities for people to improve their economical and social status. In the book ‘Talking Proper’. The Rise of Accent as Social Symbol , Lynda Mugglestone tells the story about what happened in England.^12 For centuries England had had a standard written language, but no standard spoken language. In the end of the 18th^ century, however, this situation started to change drastically. The middle class consciously changed their speaking habits in the direction of the most prestigious variety of spoken English, which was the variety used at the royal court in London. At first, this created a situation where the upper class (the aristocracy)—who evidently could not improve their social status by any means—and the lower class (the working class) spoke the local dialect, while the middle class adopted the new spoken standard, which varied much less from place to place. The middle class changed their language habits more than the upper class and the lower class not only due to their desire to rise socially, but also because of net- work differences. As Milroy and Milroy (ibid. : 61) writes, close-knit solidarity ties are characteristic of lower and higher social groups, and […] in the middle sectors of society, social network density and multiplexity tend to be weak. […] [D]ifferent kinds of social network structure do not occur accidentally, but “fall out” naturally from different life- (^12) Lynda Mugglestone 1995: ‘Talking Proper’. The Rise of Accent as Social Symbol. Oxford : Clarendon Press.
modes, such as those of the self-employed, of wage-earners (both poor and relatively affluent), and of professionals. Language varieties that are used by particular societal strata are referred to as sociolects. It should be emphasized, however, that most language varieties have a particular geographical as well as social distribution, although the geographical variation is generally larger among the lower classes than among the middle and upper classes.
7.3.2.1 A CASE STUDY: ENGLISH - ING
In § 6.1.1.1 Linguistic items , we stated that the suffix – ing of written English, as in coming , is pronounced /IN/ and /In/, as in /»k√mIN/ and /»k√mIn/, and the two pronunciations have different social distributions: the former is a typical standard pronunciation and the latter a typical non-standard pronunciation. The English suffixes /IN/ and /In/ are different linguistic items. We shall tell the story about how this social variation came into existence. Until around the year 1300 AD, English orthography distinguished the verbal noun writinge (corresponding for example to Norwegian skriving ) and the present participle writinde (corresponding to Norwegian skrivande / skrivende ), and the two suffixes were also pronounced differently, approximately as /-INg´/ and /-Ind´/, respectively. At this time, however, the pronunciation different disappeared, and both suffixes changed into something resembling /-In/. Gradually, this sound change leaded to an orthographic merger, and for some reason, the orthographic form – ing was chosen for the suffix. For many hundred years, this was the situation: the orthographic representation was – ing and the pronunciation was [-In], in all parts of the English society. In one of his poems, the English poet George Crabbe (1754–
- rhymed delight in with fighting , indicating that his pronunciation was /dI»laIt In/ and /»faItIn/. In the end of the 18th^ century, things started to change. Influenced by the orthography, members the new middle class starting using the pronunciation /-IN/ instead of the traditional /-In/. As a result, a socially conditioned variation was created, where the upper class and the lower class used the conservative pronunciation /-In/, while the middle class used the innovating pronunciation /-IN/. Members of the upper class people continued to use the pronunciation /-In/ into the 20th^ century, and /- In/ could be heard in parts of the aristocracy into the 1920s. The expression huntin’ and fishin’ , which describes typical aristocratic activities in the English society, survived almost to our days. Today, the pronunciation /-IN/ has been adopted also by the upper class, meaning that /-In/ only survives in working class speech. Typically, the traditional /-In/ pronunciation is nowadays regarded as «careless» and as belonging to lower class sociolects.
7.3.3 Slang and jargon
In § 6.1.1.2, we defined a variety as a set of linguistic items with similar social distribution. For dialects and sociolects, this set of linguistic items includes features of vocabulary, grammar, as well as phonology. For certain other kinds of varieties, especially those referred to as slangs and jargons , the set includes only a relatively small set of vocabulary items.
7.4.1 Honorifics and politeness in Korean
In Korean, personal and reflexive pronouns not only express differences of person and number, but also the relative social hierarchy between the speaker and the addressee or third-person referent. This phenomenon is wellknown from languages all over the world, cf. for example the French tu / vous distinction and similar distinctions in other European languages (Norwegian du / De , German du / Sie , Castilian tu / usted , Russian ty / Vy , and so on), but in Korean the system is much more elaborate. As Sohn (1999 : 407) points out, «[l]anguage has essentially two functions – transmission of information and knowledge on the one hand and establishment and maintenance of human relationships on the other.» It is the latter function that is relevant to linguistic politeness. For example, Korean has two words meaning ‘I’: na and ce , and they are characterized as plain and humble , respectively. The plain form is used when talking to a child or a younger adult, while the humble form is used when talking to a senior or an adult equal. While Standard English has the one pronoun you to refer to the addressee(s), Sohn (1999 : 207) presents no less than 14 different forms; cf. TABLE 3. POLITENESS LEVELS SINGULAR PLURAL Plain no¨ no¨-hu¨i(-du¨l) Familiar chane chane-du¨l Intimate chagi chagi-du¨l Blunt tangsin tangsin-du¨l ku¨-dae (obsolete) kudae-du¨l (obsolete) taek taek-tu¨l Deferential o¨ru¨sin (rare) o¨ru¨sin-du¨l (rare) TABLE 3. Korean 2nd^ person pronouns. In fact Korean has not less than six politeness levels , that are realized inter alia in the pronoun system amd in verbal inflections. Sohn (1999) defines the politeness levels as follows (some details are left out):
- The plain level, which is the lowest level, is used, in general, by any speaker to any child, to one’s own younger sibling, child, or grandchild regardless of age, and to one’s daughter-in- law, and also between intimate adult friends whose friendship began in childhood.
- The intimate level is between close friends whose friendship began in childhood or adolescence.
- The familiar level is slightly more formal than the intimate level, typically used by a male adult to an adolescent such as a high school or college student or to one’s son-in-law, or between two close adult friends whose friendship began in adolescence.
- The blunt level, which is gradually disappearing from daily usage probably due to its authoritative connotations, is sometimes used by a boss to his subordinates or by an old generation husband to wife.
- The polite level is the most popular level towards an adult, and is used by both males and females in daily conversations. It is less formal than the derential level.
- The deferential level is used in formal situations such as news reports and public lectures.
MAP 4. Cameroon.
7.5 Language policy in Asia and Africa
The language situations of the different states in Asia and Africa vary immensely, as does language policy. If we tried to base this paragraph upon generalizations across all or most states, we would not have much to say. Instead, we shall delve into the situations of a few countries, the African country of Cameroon and the Asian countries of North Korea and South Korea. Cameroon and the two Koreas are two extremes. Cameroon has 280 languages (plus two non-indigenous official languages) and the Koreas have one.
7.5.1 The linguistic situation in Cameroon
Imagine the following situation. You live in a small town called Speechville. Your mother tongue is Norwegian, and this language is spoken by your family and your closest neighbors. If you walk five minutes down the street, the language you hear around you is Finnish, and after another five minutes everybody speaks Russian. When you want to communicate with any of these Finns and Russians, you address them in the local lingua franca,^13 which is English. Imagine that neither Norwegian, Finnish, nor Russian are used as written languages. All street signs in your town are written in Japanese, which is the official language of your country. When you were in school, the only language you were taught was Japanese. You had a teacher who had recently moved to your town from the southern part of the country. He could only speak two languages: German, which was his mother tongue, and Japanese, the official language. When you started in school, you could only speak your mother tongue, Norwegian, and the local lingua franca, English, which you used when talking to you Finnish-speaking playmates down the street. But the teacher addressed you and the other sixty-two children in the classroom in Japanese from the very first day.
7.5.1.1 A REAL SITUATION
We have described a hypothetical situation, but if you substitute for example Nizaa for Norwegian, Hausa for Finnish, Chamba for Russian, Fula for English, and French for Japanese, the situation is not hypothetical any more. It is a description of a real situation found in many villages in the northern part of the African country of Cameroon, for example in Galim, the village we shall take a closer look at here, and which is situated halfway between the town of Ngaoundéré and the Nigerian border on MAP 4. In fact, there are thousands of African villages with (^13) A lingua franca is a language used between peoples whose main languages are different. For example, English is the most widespread lingua franca in the world today.
PHOTO 1. Nomadic Fulani women at a market in northern Cameroon Language families in Africa Number of branches Branches found in Cameroon Languages in Cameroon. Languages marked with an asterisk (*) are spoken in Galim. AFRO-ASIATIC ≥ 5 Chadic *Hausa, Musgum, etc. Semitic Arabic NILO-SAHARAN ≥ 4 Saharan *Kanuri NIGER-CONGO ≥ 7 Atlantic *Fula North Volta-Congo *Mbum, Gbaya, *Chamba, Pere, etc. South Volta-Congo *Nizaa, *Vute, Bantu languages TABLE 5. African languages in Cameroon and Galim
7.5.1.5 THE HISTORY OF GALIM
Galim was founded in the end of the 19th^ century by the indigenous Nizaa. All of the other groups are immigrants. The sedentary Fulani, the Hausa, and the Kanuri have generally come as merchants. The Chamba have come as shepherds tending the herds of the Fulani merchants. The nomadic Fulani have come as cattle nomads – which they still are to a large extent. There are separate Nizaa, Fulani, Hausa, and Chamba quarters in Galim, while the Kanuri live in the Fulani quarters.
7.5.1.6 A SOCIAL AND FUNCTIONAL CLASSIFICATION
From a social and functional perspective, the languages of Galim can be divided into three groups:
- Language Group 1: Fula.
- Language Group 2: Hausa
- Language Group 3: Nizaa, Vute, Kanuri, Mbum, and Chamba Fula is the main lingua franca, probably spoken by everybody. Hausa also has a certain status as a lingua franca, and to the extent that Fulani speak another language, this is Hausa. The Hausa population speaks Hausa and Fula. People belonging to other ethnic groups always know Fula in addition to their first language; often, they also speak one or more other languages. This linguistic situation reflects the social structure, which is closely tied to ethnicity. The population can be divided into three main social groups: SG (Social Group) 1 constitutes the upper social stratum. Most of the members of this social group are merchants with a higher standard of living than the other groups. Members of SG 1 intermarry to a large degree. This has effects on the linguistic situation.
SG 3, the nomadic Fulani who are cattle-herders, also speak Fula, but a slightly different dialect. Their social status is low. They generally live in compounds in the bush, out-side the village. Members SG 1 only learn languages spoken as the first language of people in their own social group. People belonging to Social Group 2 learn languages spoken as the first language of people in their own social group and in Social Group 1. The nomadic Fulani are not easy to place in this social hierarchy; generally, they seem to speak only Fulani, and they do not generally intermarry with other ethnic groups. The language situations among the different ethnic groups of Galim are summed up in TABLE 6. LANGUAGES ETHNIC GROUPS FULA HAUSA KANURI OTHER SEDENTARY FULANI First lg Second lg HAUSA Second lg First lg KANURI Second lg NIZAA, VUTE, MBUM, CHAMBA Second lg Third lg First lg NOMADIC FULANI First lg Explanations: lg = language. For the Kanuri, the Kanuri language is disappearing as a first language, and is substituted by Fula. TABLE 6. The language situation in Galim FRENCH The linguistic situation has become even more complicated by the introduction of French. French has been the official language of this part of Cameroon since World War I, when the German colonizers were forced out, and most of Cameroon became a French mandate. Still, the use of French has been rather limited until recently. It is the only language used in schools and it is the preferred language in public offices—the offices of the prefecture administration and the gendarmerie. But outside these areas, French has not been much used. For the time being, French is not mastered by the population to such a degree that it functions as a lingua franca. Only 13% of the Cameroonian population have studied French for six or more years at school (Ball 1997^14 ). Whether French in the future—as a result of an improved standard of education—will replace Fula as the main lingua franca of northern Cameroon is difficult to say. However, judging from general trends in African countries, this is not very likely. Even though most African countries have a European language as their official language, African languages or pidginized varities of European languages are preferred as lingua francas.
7.5.1.7 LINGUA FRANCAS
In the long run, the linguistic situation may change drastically. In the 1920s, Mbum was the main lingua franca of the Cameroonian Adamaoua. Since then, Fula has replaced Mbum almost completely as the lingua franca of this area. The latest years, however, there has been some weak tendencies for Mbum to start regaining some of its earlier status. (^14) Rodney Ball 1997: The French speaking world. A practical introduction to sociolinguistic issues. London and New York: Routledge.
PICTURE I. King Sejong distinguished and regulated by each country’s national language policy. TABLE 7. The flags of North Korea and South Korea
7.5.2.4 DIALECTS
Regional dialects roughly correspond to province boundaries. Thus, South Korean regional dialects are Kyo¨ngsang, Ch&ungch&o¨ng, Cho¨lla, and Cheju Island. The North Korean regional dialects are Hamkyo¨ng, P&yo¨ngan, and Hwanghae. Some of the dialects are not easily mutually intelligible.
7.5.2.5 THE KOREAN WRITING SYSTEM
Korean uses a writing system called Han&gu¨l that has twenty-four basic symbols representing the sounds of Korean. Words of Chinese origin have traditionally been written with Chinese characters, called Hanja , instead of being spelled out in Han&gu¨l. This practice is discouraged in North Korea, but is quite common in South Korean writing. The symbols of Han&gu¨l are units reflecting Korean syllable structure. Han&gu¨l is generally written horizontally from left to right, although it has been written in earlier times like Chinese, vertically, from right to left. In the fifteenth century, King Sejong of the Yi Dynasty commissioned the development of a phonetically based script for Korean. Until that time, Korean had been written with Hanja , and literacy was restricted to a small, educated elite. Scholars and the elite opposed the new script, however, and Han&gu¨l did not manage to displace the Chinese script among the educated elite until the nationalistic democratization movement at the end of the nineteenth century. This move- ment led to the printing of the first Han&gu¨l newspaper in
- Soon after, books and government documents were also published in Han&gu¨l. The modern effort to establish Han&gu¨l as the writing system of the Korean language was ended in 1910 by Japan, which formally annexed the peninsula as a colony of its empire. During the colonial occupation, Japanese was the official language of Korea; Korean was suppressed by laws forbidding its use. Japanese became the language of instruc- tion in the schools and by 1938 the Korean language had been completely eradicated from the curriculum. In 1940, Koreans were forced to change their family names and use Japanese surnames instead. In 1945, the Japanese occupation ended and, in spite of national division and civil war, this enabled the re establishment of Korean as the dominant language of the Korean Peninsula and Hankul as its dominant written medium.
7.5.2.6 LANGUAGE PLANNING
After the division of the country in 1945, each nation developed its own language policy. In North Korea, Han&gu¨l was adopted as the sole system for writing Korean; Chinese characters are never used and are replaced with their phonetic equivalent in Han&gu¨l. In South Korea, the abolition of Chinese characters from written Korean has been attempted with government support more than once but never maintained beyond a few years. Since 1972, the Ministry of Education of South Korea has required public schools to teach students 1,800 «basic characters», and then incre-mentally add characters in middle and high schools for a total of 3,600. Both countries have introduced campaigns to discontinue use of any words of foreign origin in everyday speech, especially words of Chinese origin. They encourage the use of words of Korean origin, even if it means translating them with new words composed of native roots. The North Korean government uses newspapers and magazines to propagate the use of the new lexical terms. In South Korea, puri- fication is most intense among scholars who advocate a revised vocabulary through the media and academic journals. The South Korean government, however, has never officially supported this policy. Literacy rates are high in both countries (over 90 % in the late 1980s).
