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One can govern a society, one can govern a group, a community, a family; one can govern a person. When I say 'govern someone,' it is simply in the sense that ...
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PHIL 449/Hendricks Michel Foucault: Quotes re: power See also the section on âMethodâ in History of Sexuality Volume I,â pp. 92- 102
1. Power is something exercised, put into action, in relationships â an active relation rather than a possession or static state of affairs. (See also Discipline and Punish p. 26) â âŚ[power] is never appropriated in the way that wealth or a commodity can be appropriated. Power functions. Power is exercised through networks, and individuals do not simply circulate in those networks; they are in a position to both submit to and exercise this power. They are never the inert or consenting targets of power; they are always its relays. In other words, power passes through individuals. It is not applied to them.â ( Society Must be Defended 29). âPower is relations; power is not a thing, it is a relationship between two individuals⌠such that one can direct the behaviour of another or determine the behaviour of another. Voluntarily determining it in terms of a number of objectives which are also oneâs ownâ (Interview, âWhat our Present Isâ 410). Power is âthe exercise of something that one could call government in a very wide sense of the term. One can govern a society, one can govern a group, a community, a family; one can govern a person. When I say âgovern someone,â it is simply in the sense that one can determine oneâs behaviour in terms of a strategy by resorting to a number of tacticsâ (410.) âPower exists only when it is put into actionâ (Interview, âThe Subject and Powerâ 219); âit is a mode of action which ⌠acts upon [othersâ] actions: an action upon an action, on existing actions or on those which may arise in the present or the futureâ; âit incites, it induces, it seduces, it makes easier or more difficult; in the extreme it constrains or forbids absolutely; it is nevertheless always a way of acting upon an acting subject or [or subjects] by virtue of their acting or being capable of actionâ (220); It is a matter of guiding, leading the conduct of others; it is a question of âgovernmentâ; to exercise power in the sense of âgovernmentâ is âto structure the possible field of action of othersâ (221). 2. Power relations always leave open the possibility for resistance (see also Discipline and Punish 27) â[W]hat I mean by power relations is that we are in a strategic situation towards each other.... we are in this struggle, and the continuation of this situation can influence the behavior or nonbehavior of the other. So we are not trapped. We are always in this kind of situation. It means that we always have possibilities of changing the situation. We cannot jump outside the situation, and there is no point where you are free from all power relations. But you can always change it. So what Iâve said does not mean that we are always trapped, but that we are always free. Well anyway, that there is always the possibility of changing.â (Interview, âSex, Power and the Politics of Identityâ 386) âIt seems to me that power is âalways already thereâ, that one is never âoutsideâ itâŚ. [But] to say that one can never be âoutsideâ power does not mean that one is trapped and condemned to defeat no matter whatâŚ. [Resistances] are all the more real and effective because they are formed right at the point where relations of power are exercisedâ (Interview, âPower and Strategiesâ 141-142). âPower relations include two elements: âthat âthe otherâ (the one over whom power is exercised) be thoroughly recognized and maintained to the very end as a person who acts; and that, faced with a relationship of power, a whole field of responses, reactions, results, and possible inventions may open up.â (Interview, âThe Subject and Powerâ 220) âPower is exercised only over free subjects, and only insofar as they are free. By this we mean individual or collective subjects who are faced with a field of possibilities in which several ways of behaving, several reactions and diverse comportments may be realizedâ (221) â[I]f it is true that at the heart of power relations and as a permanent condition of their existence there is an insubordination and a certain essential obstinacy on the part of the principles of freedom, then there is no relationship of power without the means of escape or possible flightâŚ. It would not be possible for power relations to exist without points of insubordination which, by definition, are means of escape.â (Interview, âThe Subject and Powerâ 225) 3. Power relations are multiple, local, and diffused throughout social relations (See also Discipline and Punish p. 27) âI donât want to say that the State isnât important; what I want to say is that relations of power, and hence the analysis that must be made of them, necessarily extend beyond the limits of the StateâŚ. [T]he state can
only operate on the basis of other, already existing power relations. The State is superstructural in relation to a whole series of power networks that invest the body, sexuality, the family, kinship, knowledge, technology and so forthâ (Interview, âTruth and Powerâ 122) âBetween every point of a social body between a man and a woman, between the members of a family, between a master and his pupil, between every one who knows and every one who does not, there exist relations of power âŚâ (Interview, âThe History of Sexualityâ 187) I would suggest ⌠(but these are hypotheses which will need exploring): (i) that power is coextensive with the social body; there are no spaces of primal liberty between the meshes of it its network; (ii) that relations of power are interwoven with other kinds of relations (production, kinship, family, sexuality) for which they play at once a conditioning and a conditioned role; (iv) ⌠that dispersed, heteromorphous, localised procedures of power are adapted, re-inforced and transformed by ⌠global strategies âŚâ (Interview, âPower and Strategiesâ 142). â...we should make an ascending analysis of power, or in other words begin with its infinitesimal mechanisms, which have their own history, their own trajectory, their own techniques and tactics, and then look at how these mechanisms of power, which have their solidity and, in a sense, their own technology, have been and are invested, colonized, used, inflected, transformed, displaced, extended, and so on by increasingly general mechanisms and forms of overall dominationâ ( Society Must be Defended 30).
4. Power relations do not operate only through repression or hindrance; they are also productive âIn defining the effects of power as repression, one adopts a purely juridical conception of such power, one identifies power with a law which says no, power is taken above all as carrying the force of a prohibition. If power were never anything but repressive, ⌠do you really think one would be brought to obey it? What makes power hold good, what makes it accepted, is simply the fact that it doesnât only weigh on us as a force that says no, but that it traverses and produces things, it induces pleasure, forms knowledge, produces discourseâ (Interview, âTruth & Powerâ 119) 5. Power/knowledge: the interdependence of power relations & what counts as truth & knowledge (See also Discipline and Punish p. 27-28) âTruth isnât outside power, or lacking in power.... Truth is a thing of this world: it is produced only by virtue of multiple forms of constraint. And it induces regular effects of power. Each society has its rĂŠgime of truth, its âgeneral politicsâ of truth: that is, the types of discourses which it accepts and makes function as true; the mechanisms and instances which enable one to distinguish true and false statements, the means by which each is sanctioned; the techniques and procedures accorded value in the acquisition of truth; the status of those who are charged with saying what counts as trueâ (Interview, âTruth and Powerâ 131). ââTruthâ is to be understood as a system of ordered procedures for the production, regulation, distribution, circulation and operation of statements. âTruthâ is linked in a circular relation with systems of power which produce and sustain it, and to effects of power which it induces and which extend it. A âregimeâ of truthâ (Interview, âTruth and Powerâ 133). Relations of power âare indissociable from a discourse of truth, and they can neither be established nor function unless a true discourse is produced, accumulated, put into circulation, and set to work. Power cannot be exercised unless a certain economy of discourses of truth functions in, on the basis of, and thanks to, that powerâ ( Society Must be Defended 24). ââŚwe are obliged to produce the truth by the power that demands truth and needs it in order to function: we are constrained, we are condemned to admit the truth or to discover it. Power constantly asks questions and questions us; it constantly investigates and records; it institutionalizes the search for the truth, professionalizes it, and rewards it. ⌠In a different sense, we are also subject to the truth in the sense that truth lays down the law: it is the discourse of truth that decides, at least in part; it conveys and propels effects of power.â ( Society Must be Defended 25). âWe should not be content to say that power has a need for such-and-such a discovery, such-and-such a form of knowledge, but we should add that the exercise of power itself creates and causes to emerge new objects of knowledge and accumulates new bodies of information. ⌠The exercise of power perpetually creates knowledge and, conversely, knowledge constantly induces effects of power. ⌠It is not possible for power to be exercised without knowledge, it is impossible for knowledge not to engender powerâ (Interview, âPrison Talkâ 51-52).