Download Social Perception and Interpersonal Behavior and more Study notes Psychology in PDF only on Docsity!
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 1977, Vol. 35, No 9, 655-
Social Perception and Interpersonal Behavior: On the
Self-Fulfilling Nature of Social Stereotypes
Mark Snyder
University of Minnesota
Elizabeth Decker Tanke
University of Santa Clara
Ellen Berscheid
University of Minnesota
This research concerns the self-fulfilling influences of social stereotypes on dyadic social interaction Conceptual analysis of the cognitive and behavioral consequences of stereotyping suggests that a perceiver's actions based upon stereotype-generated attributions about a specific target individual may cause the behavior of that individual to confirm the perceiver's initially erroneous attributions. A paradigmatic investigation of the behavioral confirmation of stereotypes involving physical attractiveness (e.g., "beautiful people are good people") is presented. Male "perceivers" interacted with female "targets" whom they believed (as a result of an experimental manipulation) to be physi- cally attractive or physically unattractive. Tape recordings of each participant's conversational behavior were analyzed by naive observer judges for evidence of behavioral confirmation. These analyses revealed that targets who were per- ceived (unknown to them) to be physically attractive came to behave in a friendly, likeable, and sociable manner in comparison with targets whose per- ceivers regarded them as unattractive. It is suggested that theories in cognitive social psychology attend to the ways in which perceivers create the information that they process in addition to the ways that they process that information.
Thoughts are but dreams Till their effects be tried
—William Shakespeare 1
Cognitive social psychology is concerned with the processes by which individuals gain knowledge about behavior and events that they encounter in social interaction, and how they use this knowledge to guide their actions. From this perspective, people are "construc- tive thinkers" searching for the causes of be-
Research and preparation of this manuscript were supported in part by National Science Foundation Grants SOC 75-13872, "Cognition and Behavior: When Belief Creates Reality," to Mark Snyder and GS 3S1S7X, "Dependency and Interpersonal Attrac- tion," to Ellen Berscheid. We thank Marilyn Steere, Craig Daniels, and Dwain Boelter, who assisted in the empirical phases of this investigation; and J. Merrill Carlsmith, Thomas Hummel, E. E. Jones, Mark Lepper, and Walter MIschel, who provided helpful advice and constructive commentary. Requests for reprints should be sent to Mark Snyder, Laboratory for Research in Social Relations, Department of Psychology, University of Minnesota, 75 East River Road, Minneapolis, Minnesota 55455.
havior, drawing inferences about people and their circumstances, and acting upon this knowledge. Most empirical work in this domain— largely stimulated and guided by the attribu- tion theories (e.g., Heider, 1958; Jones & Davis, 1965; Kelley, 1973)—has focused on the processing of information, the "machin- ery" of social cognition. Some outcomes of this research have been the specification of how individuals identify the causes of an ac- tor's behavior, how individuals make infer- ences about the traits and dispositions of the actor, and how individuals make predictions about the actor's future behavior (for reviews, see Harvey, Ickes, & Kidd, 1976; Jones et al., 1972; Ross, 1977). It is noteworthy that comparatively little theoretical and empirical attention has been directed to the other fundamental question within- the cognitive social psychologist's man- date: What are the cognitive and behavioral consequences of our impressions of other
aFrom The Rape of Lucrece, lines 346-353.
656
I
I
PERCEPTION AND BEHAVIOR 657
people? From our vantage point, current-day attribution theorists leave the individual "lost in thought," with no machinery that links thought to action. It is to this concern that we address ourselves, both theoretically and empirically, in the context of social stereo- types. Social stereotypes are a special case of interpersonal perception. Stereotypes are usu- ally simple, overgeneralized, and widely ac- cepted (e.g., Karlins, Coffman, & Walters, 1969). But stereotypes are often inaccurate. It is simply not true that all Germans are industrious or that all women are dependent and conforming. Nonetheless, many social stereotypes concern highly visible and distinc- tive personal characteristics; for example, sex and race. These pieces of information are usu- ally the first to be noticed in social interaction and can gain high priority for channeling subsequent information processing and even social interaction. Social stereotypes are thus an ideal testing ground for considering the cognitive and behavioral consequences of per- son perception. Numerous factors may help sustain our stereotypes and prevent disconfirmation of "erroneous" stereotype-based initial impres- sions of specific others. First, social stereo- types may influence information processing in ways that serve to bolster and strengthen these stereotypes.
Cognitive Bolstering of Social Stereotypes
As information processors, humans readily fall victim to the cognitive process described centuries ago by Francis Bacon (1620/1902):
The human understanding, when any proposition has been once laid down.. forces everything else to add fresh support and confirmation... it is the peculiar and perpetual error of the human under- standing to be more moved and excited by affirma- tives than negatives, (pp. 23-24)
Empirical research has demonstrated sev- eral such biases in information processing. We may overestimate the frequency of oc- currence of confirming or paradigmatic ex- amples of our stereotypes simply because such instances are more easily noticed, more easily brought to mind, and more easily retrieved
from memory (cf. Hamilton & Gifford, 1976; Rothbart, Fulero, Jensen, Howard, & Birrell, Note 1). Evidence that confirms our stereo- typed intuitions about human nature may be, in a word, more cognitively "available" (Tversky & Kahneman, 1973) than non- confirming evidence. Moreover, we may fill in the gaps in our evidence base with information consistent with our preconceived notions of what evi- dence should support our beliefs. For example, Chapman and Chapman (1967, 1969) have demonstrated that both college students and professional clinicians perceive positive asso- ciations between particular Rorschach re- sponses and homosexuality in males, even though these associations are demonstrably absent in real life. These "signs" are simply those that comprise common cultural stereo- types of gay males. Furthermore, once a stereotype has been adopted, a wide variety of evidence can be interpreted readily as supportive of that stereotype, including events that could sup- port equally well an opposite interpretation. As Merton (1948) has suggested, in-group virtues ("We are thrifty") may become out- group vices ("They are cheap") in our at- tempts to maintain negative stereotypes about disliked out groups. (For empirical demon- strations of this bias, see Regan, Straus, & Fazio, 1974; Rosenhan, 1973; Zadny & Gerard, 1974). Finally, selective recall and reinterpretation of information from an individual's past his- tory may be exploited to support a current stereotype-based inference (cf. Loftus & Pal- mer, 1974). Thus, having decided that Jim is stingy (as are all members of his group), it may be all too easy to remember a variety of behaviors and incidents that are insufficient one at a time to support an attribution of stinginess, but that taken together do warrant and support such an inference.
Behavioral Confirmation of Social Stereotypes
The cognitive bolstering processes discussed above may provide the perceiver with an "evidence base" that gives compelling cogni- tive reality to any traits that he or she may
PERCEPTION AND BEHAVIOR (^659)
channel interaction so that it behaviorally confirms itself. Individuals may have different styles of interaction for those whom they perceive to be physically attractive and for those whom they consider unattractive. These differences in interaction style may in turn elicit and nurture behaviors from the target person that are in accord with the stereotype. That is, the physically attractive may actu- ally come to behave in a friendly, likable, sociable manner—not because they necessarily possess these dispositions, but because the behavior of others elicits and maintains be- haviors taken to be manifestations of such traits. Accordingly, we sought to demonstrate the behavioral confirmation of the physical at- tractiveness stereotype in dyadic social inter- action. In order to do so, pairs of previously unacquainted individuals (designated, for our purposes, as a perceiver and a target) inter- acted in a getting-acquainted situation that had been constructed to allow us to control the information that one member of the dyad (the male perceiver) received about the physi- cal attractiveness of the other individual (the female target). To measure the extent to which the actual behavior of the target matched the perceiver's stereotype, naive ob- server judges, who were unaware of the actual or perceived physical attractiveness of either participant, listened to and evaluated tape recordings of the interaction.
Method
Participants
Fifty-one male and 51 female undergraduates at the University of Minnesota participated, for extra course credit, in a study of "the processes by which people become acquainted with each other." Par- ticipants were scheduled in pairs of previously un- acquainted males and females.
The Interaction Between Perceiver and Target
To insure that participants would not see each other before their interactions, they arrived at sepa- rate experimental rooms on separate corridors. The experimenter informed each participant that she was studying acquaintance processes in social relation- ships. Specifically, she was investigating the differ- ences between those initial interactions that involve nonverbal communication and those, such as tele- phone conversations, that do not. Thus, she ex-
plained, the participant would engage in a telephone conversation with another student in introductory psychology. Before the conversation began, each participant provided written permission for it to be tape re- corded. In addition, both dyad members completed brief questionnaires conceining such information as academic major in college and high school of gradu- ation. These questionnaires, it was explained, would provide the partners with some information about each other with which to start the conversation. Activating the perceiver's stereotype The getting- acquainted interaction permitted control of the in- formation that each male perceiver received about the physical attractiveness of his female target. When male perceivers learned about the biographical in- formation questionnaires, they also learned that each person would recene a snapshot of the other mem- ber of the dyad, because "other people in the ex- periment have told us they feel more comfortable when they have a mental picture of the person they're talking to." The experimenter then used a Polaroid camera to photograph the male. No men- tion of any snapshots was made to female partici- pants. When each male perceiver received his partner's biographical information form, it arrived in a folder containing a Polaroid snapshot, ostensibly of his partner. Although the biographical information had indeed been provided by his partner, the photograph was not. It was one of eight photographs that had been prepared in advance. Twenty females students from several local col- leges assisted (in return for $5) in the preparation of stimulus materials by allowing us to take Polaroid snapshots of them. Each photographic subject wore casual dress, each was smiling, and each agreed (in writing) to allow us to use her photograph. Twenty college-age men then rated the attractiveness of each picture on a 10-point scale.- We then chose the four pictures that had received the highest attractiveness ratings (M = 8.10) and the four photos that had received the lowest ratings (M = 2.56). There was virtually no overlap in ratings of the two sets of pictures. Male perceivers were assigned randomly to one of two conditions of perceived physical attractive- ness of their targets. Males in the attractive target condition received folders containing their partners' biographical information form and one of the four attractive photographs. Males in the unattractive target condition received folders containing their partners' biographical information form and one of the four unattractive photographs. Female targets knew nothing of the photographs possessed by their male interaction partners, nor did they receive snap- shops of their partners. The perceiver's stereotype-based attributions. Be- fore initiating his getting-acquainted conversation,
(^2) The interrater correlations of these ratings of attractiveness ranged from .45 to .92, with an av- erage interrater correlation of .74.
660 M. SNYDER,^ E. TANKE, AND^ E.^ BERSCHEID
each male perceiver rated his initial impressions of his partner on an Impression Formation Question- naire. The questionnaire was constructed by supple- menting the 27 trait adjectives used by Dion, Ber- scheid, and Walster (1972) in their original investi- gation of the physical attractiveness stereotype with the following items: intelligence, physical attractive- ness, social adeptness, friendliness, enthusiasm, trust- worthiness, and successfulness. We were thus able to assess the extent to which perceivers' initial im- pressions of their partners reflected general stereo- types linking physical attractiveness and personality characteristics. The getting-acquainted conversation. Each dyad then engaged in a 10-minute unstructured conversa- tion by means of microphones and headphones con- nected through a Sony TC-S70 stereophonic tape recorder that recorded each participant's voice on a separate channel of the tape. After the conversation, male perceivers completed the Impression Formation Questionnaires to record final impressions of their partners Female targets expressed self-perceptions in terms of the items of the Impression Formation Questionnaire. Each fe- male target also indicated, on 10-point scales, how much she had enjoyed the conversation, how com- fortable she had felt while talking to her partner, how accurate a picture of herself she felt that her partner had formed as a result of the conversation, how typical her partner's behavior had been of the way she usually was treated by men, her perception of her own physical attractiveness, and her estimate of her partner's perception of her physical attractive- ness. All participants were then thoroughly and care- fully debriefed and thanked for their contribution to the study.
Assessing Behavioral Confirmation
To assess the extent to which the actions of the target women provided behavioral confirmation for the stereotypes of the men perceivers, 8 male and 4 female introductory psychology students rated the tape recordings of the getting-acquainted conversa- tions. These observer judges were unaware of the experimental hypotheses and knew nothing of the actual or perceived physical attractiveness of the individuals on the tapes. They listened, in random order, to two 4-minute segments (one each from the beginning and end) of each conversation. They heard only the track of the tapes containing the target women's voices and rated each woman on the 34 bipolar scales of the Impression Formation Question- naire as well as on 14 additional 10-point scales; for example, "How animated and enthusiastic is this person?", "How intimate or personal is this person's conversation?", and "How much is she enjoying her- self?". Another group of observer judges (3 males and 6 females) performed a similar assessment of the male perceivers' behavior based upon only the track of the tapes that contained the males' voices.*
Results
To chart the process of behavioral confir- mation of social stereotypes in dyadic social interaction, we examined the effects of our manipulation of the target women's apparent physical attractiveness on (a) the male per- ceivers' initial impressions of them and (b) the women's behavioral self-presentation dur- ing the interaction, as measured by the ob- server judges' ratings of the tape recordings.
The Perceivers' Stereotype
Did our male perceivers form initial im- pressions of their specific target women on the basis of general stereotypes that associate physical attractiveness and desirable person- alities? To answer this question, we examined the male perceivers' initial ratings on the Im- pression Formation Questionnaire. Recall that these impressions were recorded after the per- ceivers had seen their partners' photographs, but before the getting-acquainted conversa- tion.^4 Indeed, it appears that our male per-
(^3) We assessed the reliability of our raters by means of intraclass correlations (Ebel, 1951), a technique that employes analysis-of-variance procedures to determine the proportion of the total variance in ratings due to variance in the persons being rated. The intraclass correlation is the measure of reliability most commonly used with interval data and ordinal scales that assume interval properties. Because the measure of interest was the mean rating of judges on each variable, the between-rater variance was not included in the error term in calculating the intraclass correlation. (For a discussion, see Tinsley & Weiss, 1975, p. 363). Reliability coefficients for the coders' ratings of the females for all dependent measures ranged from .35 to .91 with a median of
755. For each dependent variable, a single score was constructed for each participant by calculating the mean of the raters' scores on that measure. Analyses of variance, including the time of the tape segment (early vs. late in the conversation) as a factor, revealed no more main effects of time or inter- actions between time and perceived attractiveness than would have been expected by chance. Thus, scores for the two tape segments were summed to yield a, single score for each dependent variable. The same procedure was followed for ratings of male perceivers' behavior. In this case, the reliability coefficients ranged from .18 to .83 with a median of .61. __* These and all subsequent analyses are based upon a total of 38 observations, 19 in each of the
662 M SNYDER, E. TANKE, AND E. BERSCHEID
measures, the null hypothesis states that the vector of means is equal across conditions. When the null hypothesis is rejected, the na- ture of the difference between groups must then be inferred from inspection of group dif- ferences on the individual dependent mea- sures. In this case, the differences between the behavior of the women in the attractive tar- get and the unattractive target conditions were in the same direction as the male per- ceivers' initial stereotyped impressions for fully 17 of the 21 measures of behavioral con- firmation. The binomial probability that at least 17 of these adjectives would be in the predicted direction by chance alone is a scant .003. By contrast, when we examined the 13 trait pairs that our discriminant analysis had indicated did not define the male perceivers' stereotype, a sharply different pattern emerged. Here, we would not expect any systematic relationship between the male per- ceivers' stereotyped initial impressions and the female targets' actual behavior in the getting- acquainted conversations. In fact, for only 8 of these 13 measures is the difference between the behavior of the women in the attractive target condition in the same direction as the men's stereotyped initial impressions. This configuration is, of course, hardly different from the pattern expected by chance alone if there were no differences between the groups (exact binomial p = .29). Clearly, then, be- havioral confirmation manifested itself only for those attributes that had defined the male perceivers' stereotype; that is, only in those domains where the men believed that there did exist links between physical attractiveness and personal attributes did the women come to behave differently as a consequence of the level of physical attractiveness that we had experimentally assigned to them.
Moreover, our understanding of the nature of the difference between the attractive target and the unattractive target conditions identi- fied by our multivariate analysis of variance and our confidence in this demonstration of behavioral confirmation are bolstered by the consistent pattern of behavioral differences on the 14 additional related dependent mea- sures. Our raters assigned to the female tar- gets in the attractive target condition higher
ratings on every question related to favorable- ness of self-presentation. Thus, for example, those who were thought by their perceivers to be physically attractive appeared to the ob- server judges to manifest greater confidence, greater animation, greater enjoyment of the conversation, and greater liking for their part- ners than those women who interacted with men who perceived them as physically un- attractive."
In Search oj Mediators of Behavioral Confirmation
We next attempted to chart the process of behavioral confirmation. Specifically, we searched for evidence of the behavioral im- plications of the perceivers' stereotypes. Did the male perceivers present themselves dif- ferently to target women whom they assumed to be physically attractive or unattractive? Because we had 50 dependent measures^7 of
(^6) We may eliminate several alternative interpreta- tions of the behavioral confirmation effect. Women who had been assigned randomly to the attractive target condition were not in fact more physically attractive than those who were assigned randomly to the unattractive target condition. Ratings of the actual attractiveness of the female targets by the experimenter revealed no differences whatsoever between conditions, f (36) — .00. Nor, for that matter, did male perceivers differ in their own physical attractiveness as a function of experimental condi- tion, t(36) — **.44 In addition, actual attractiveness of male perceivers and actual attractiveness of female targets within dyads were independent of each other, r(36) = .06. Of greater importance, there was no detectable difference in personality characteristics of females who had been assigned randomly to the attractive target and unattractive target conditions of the experiment They did not differ in self-esteem as assessed by the Janis-Field-Eagly (Janis & Field,
- measure,** F(l, 36) < 1 Moreover, there were no differences between experimental conditions in the female targets' self-perceptions as reported after the conversations on the Impression Formation Questionnaire (Fm < 1). We have thus no reason to suspect that any systematic, pre-existing differ- ences between conditions in morphology or person- ality can pose plausible alternative explanations of our demonstration of behavioral confirmation. (^7) Two dependent measures were added between the time that the ratings were made of the female participants and the time that the ratings were made of the male participants. These measures were
PERCEPTION AND BEHAVIOR 663
the observer judges' ratings of the males— more than the number of observations (male perceivers)—a multivariate analysis of vari- ance is inappropriate. However, in 21 cases, univariate analyses of variance did indicate differences between conditions (all ps < .05). Men who interacted with women whom they believed to be physically attractive appeared (to the observer judges) more sociable, sexu- ally warm, interesting, independent, sexually permissive, bold, outgoing, humorous, obvious, and socially adept than their counterparts in the unattractive target condition. Moreover, these men were seen as more attractive, more confident, and more animated in their con- versation than their counterparts. Further, they were considered by the observer judges to be more comfortable, to enjoy themselves more, to like their partners more, to take the initiative more often, to use their voices more effectively, to see their women partners as more attractive and, finally, to be seen as more attractive by their partners than men in the unattractive target condition. It appears, then, that differences in the level of sociability manifested and expressed by the male perceivers may have been a key factor in bringing out reciprocating patterns of expression in the target women. One rea- son that target women who had been labeled as attractive may have reciprocated these sociable overtures is that they regarded their partners' images of them as more accurate, F(l, 28) = 6.75, p < .02, and their interac- tion style to be more typical of the way men generally treated them, F(l, 28) = 4.79, p < 04, than did women in the unattractive tar- get condition.^8 These individuals, perhaps, re- jected their partners' treatment of them as unrepresentative and defensively adopted more cool and aloof postures to cope with their situations.
Discussion
Of what consequence are our social stereo- types? Our research suggests that stereotypes can and do channel dyadic interaction so as
responses to the questions, "How interested is he in his partner?" and "How attractive does he think his partner is?".
to create their own social reality. In our dem- onstration, pairs of individuals got acquainted with each other in a situation that allowed us to control the information that one member of the dyad (the perceiver) received about the physical attractiveness of the other per- son (the target). Our perceivers, in anticipa- tion of interaction, fashioned erroneous images of their specific partners that reflected their general stereotypes about physical attractive- ness. Moreover, our perceivers had very dif- ferent patterns and styles of interaction for those whom they perceived to be physically attractive and unattractive. These differences in self-presentation and interaction style, in turn, elicited and nurtured behaviors of the target that were consistent with the perceiv- ers' initial stereotypes. Targets who were per- ceived (unbeknownst to them) to be physi- cally attractive actually came to behave in a friendly, likable, and sociable manner. The perceivers' attributions about their targets based upon their stereotyped intuitions about the world had initiated a process that pro- duced behavioral confirmation of those attri- butions. The initially erroneous attributions of the perceivers had become real: The stereo- type had truly functioned as a self-fulfilling prophecy (Merton, 1948).^9
We regard our investigation as a particu- larly compelling demonstration of behavioral confirmation in social interaction. For if there is any social-psychological process that ought to exist in "stronger" form in everyday inter- action than in the psychological laboratory,
(^8) The degrees of freedom for these analyses are fewer than those for other analyses because they were added to the experimental procedure after four dyads had participated in each condition. (^9) Our research on behavioral confirmation in social interaction is a clear "cousin" of other demonstrations that perceivers' expectations may influence other individuals' behavior. Thus, Rosen- thai (1974) and his colleagues have conducted an extensive program of laboratory and field investiga- tions of the effects of experimenters' and teachers' expectations on the behavior of subjects in psycho- logical laboratories and students in classrooms. Ex- perimenters and teachers led to expect particular patterns of performance from their subjects and pupils act in ways that selectively influence or shape those performances to confirm initial expectations (e.g., Rosenthal, 1974).
PERCEPTION AND BEHAVIOR 665
attributions by other perceivers with quite different impressions of that individual. Such may be the power of the behavioral confirma- tion process.
Reference Note
1 Rothbart, M., Fulero, S., Jensen, C , Howard, J., & Birrell, P. From individual to group impres- sions: Availability heuristics in stereotype forma- tion. Unpublished manuscript, University of Ore- gon, 1976.
References
Bacon, F. [Novum organum] (J. Dcvey, E d ). New York P. F Collier & Son, 1902. (Originally pub- lished, 1620.) Bandura, A. Social learning theory. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1977. Becker, H. W. Outsiders: Studies in the sociology of deviance. N.Y.: Free Press, 1963. Berscheid, E., & Walster, E. Physical attractiveness. In L. Berkowitz (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 7). New York: Academic Press, 1974. Broverman, I. K., Vogel, S. R., Broverman, D. M., Clarkson, F. E., & Rosenkrantz, P. S. Sex-role stereotypes." A current appraisal. Journal of So- cial Issues, 1972, 28, 59-78. Chapman, L., & Chapman, J. The genesis of popular but erroneous psychodiagnostic observations. Jour- nal of Abnormal Psychology, 1967, 72, 193-204. Chapman, L., & Chapman, J. Illusory correlations as an obstacle to the use of valid psychodiagnostic signs. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 1969, 74, 271-280. Dermer, M. When beauty jails. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1973. Dion, K. K., & Berscheid, E. Physical attractiveness and peer perception among children. Sociometry, 1974, 37(1), 1-12. Dion, K. K., Berscheid, E., & Walster, E. What is beautiful is good. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1972, 24, 285- Ebel, R. L. Estimation of the reliability of ratings. Psychometrika, 1951, 16, 407-424. Goffman, E. Stigma: Notes on the management of spoiled identity. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1963. Hamilton, D. L., & Gifford, R. K. Illusory correla- tion in interpersonal perception: A cognitive basis of stereotypic judgments. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 1976, 12, 392-407. Harvey, J. H., Ickes, W. J., & Kidd, R. F. New directions in attribution research. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum, 1976. Heider, F. The psychology of interpersonal relations. New York: Wiley, 1958.
Janis, I., & Field, P. Sex differences and personality factors related to persuasibility. In C. Hovland & I. Janis (Eds.), Personality and persuasibility. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1973. Jones, E. E., & Davis, K. E. From acts to dis- positions' The attribution process in person per- ception. In L. Berkowitz (Ed.), Advances in ex- perimental social psychology (Vol. 2 ). N e w York: Academic Press, 1965. Jones et al. Attribution: Perceiving the causes of behavior. Morristown, N.J.: General Learning Press, 1972. Jones, E. E., & Nisbett, R. E. The actor and the observer Divergent perceptions of the causes of behavior. In E. Jones, D. Kanouse, H. Kelley, S. Valins, & B. Weiner (Eds.), Attribution: Per- ceiving the causes of behavior. New York. General Learning Press, 1972. Karlins, M., Coffman, T. L , & Walters, G. On the fading of social stereotypes Studies in three generations of college students. Journal of Per- sonality and Social Psychology, 1969, 13, 1-16. Kelley, H. H. The process of causal attribution. American Psychologist, 1973, 25, 107-128. Kelley, H. H., & Stahelski, A. J. The social inter- action basis of cooperators' and competitors' be- liefs about others. Journal of Personality and So- cial Psychology, 1970, 16, 66-91. Kleck, R. E , Richardson, S. A., & Ronald, L. Physi- cal appearance cues and interpersonal attraction in children. Child Development, 1974, 45, 305-310. Krebs, D., & Admolphi, A. A. Physical attractive- ness, social relations, and personality style. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1975, 31, 245-253. Loftus, E., & Palmer, J. Reconstruction of automo- bile destruction. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior, 1974, 13, 585-589. Merton, R K. The self-fulfilling prophecy. Antioch Review, 1948, 8, 193-210. Mischel, W. Personality and assessment. New York: Wiley, 1968. Myrdal, G. An American dilemma. New York: Harper & Row, 1944. Raush, H. L. Interaction sequences. Journal of Per- sonality and Social Psychology, 1965, 2, 487-499. Regan, D. T., Straus, E , & Fazio, R. Liking and the attribution process. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 1974, 10, 385-397. Rosenhan, D. L. On being sane in insane places. Science, 1973, 179, 250-258. Rosenthal, R. On the social psychology of the self- fulfilling prophecy: Further evidence for Pygmalion effects and their mediating mechanisms. **New York: M.S.S. Information Corp. Modular Publications,
Ross, L. The intuitive psychologist and his short- comings: Distortions in the attribution process. In L. Berkowitz (Ed.),** Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 10). New York: Academic Press, 1977.
666 M. SNYDER, E. TANKE, AND E. BERSCHEID
Ryan, W. Blaming the victim. New York: Vintage Books, 1971. Scott, R. A. The making of blind men. New York: Russell Sage, 1969. Tannenbaum, F. Crime and the community. Boston: Ginn, 1938. Tatsuoka, M. M. Multivariate analysis. New York: Wiley, 1971. Tinsley, H. E. A., & Weiss, D. J. Interrater reliabil- ity and agreement of subjective judgments. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 1975, 22, 358-376. Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. Availability: A heuris- tic for judging frequency and probability. Cog- nitive Psychology, 1973, 5, 207-232.
Walster, E., Aronson, V., Abrahams, D., & Rottman, L. Importance of physical attractiveness in dating behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psy- chology, 1966, 4, 508-516. Zadny, J , & Gerard, H. B. Attributed intentions and informational selectivity. Journal of Experi- mental Social Psychology, 1974, 10, 34-52. Zanna, M. P., & Pack, S. J. On the self-fulfilling nature of apparent sex differences in behavior. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 1975, 11, 583-591.
Received December 6, 1976
Announcement for Student Subscribers Outside the United States
Students in psychology programs outside the United States are eligible to subscribe to the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology at the rate of $20 for 1978. This is the same rate paid by members of the American Psychological Association. In order to obtain a Student in Psychology application and order form to subscribe to JPSP and all other APA journals, write to Box M, American Psychological Association, 1200 Seventeenth Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036, U.S.A.
