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The importance of libraries in providing accessible information about trans issues and creating safe spaces for trans people. It highlights the role of trans people in producing knowledge about their own experiences and the uneven distribution of this knowledge. The document also touches upon the significance of whiteness studies and the problematic use of the term 'passing'.
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Author Sofia Blick English Title Trans Library Experience: A qualitative research of trans experience and identity work in Swedish public librari- es Svensk titel Transerfarenheter av bibliotek: En kvalitativ studie av trans personers erfarenheter och identitetsarbete i Svenska folkbibliotek Supervisor Bertil Wergelius Abstract This essay examines how trans people experience Swedish public libraries, as well as how the library can be an integral part of their trans identity work. The data sample was collected through semi-structured phenomenologi- cal interviews with five trans and non-binary library users. The analysis of the interview data was done using the method of thematic analysis (TA), following an inductive approach. The theoretical framework focuses on five different, but connecting, concepts. Mainly, theories about intersectionality; whiteness; the heterosexual matrix; orientation; and categorization. The results of this study show that trans people use and experience the library in a myriad of different ways. It is clear, however, that all the informants look to libraries to provide them with material that they can see them- selves represented in, to get a sense of validation for their gender identity. Even though the library provides this in some ways, other aspects connected to libraries function to hinder trans people in their identity work. There are several ways that libraries can improve on their services toward trans patrons, and one of these are to better facilitate meetings between different trans people through more activities catering towards this group. In short, libraries need to be mindful about this specific group both when it comes to the services they offer, as well as the physical layout of the library space. These are all aspects which affect and influence trans people and their ability to construct and express their gender identity. Eventuell abstract på svenska Den här uppsatsen undersöker hur transpersoner upplever Svenska folkbibliotek, och dessutom hur biblioteken kan fungera som en viktig faktor i deras identitetsarbete. Dataansatsen samlades in via semi-strukturerade feno- menologiska intervjuer med fem trans- och icke-binära biblioteksanvändare. Analysen denna intervjudata gjor- des med hjälp av metoden tematisk analys (TA), utifrån en induktiv ansats. Det teoretiska ramverket fokuserar på fem olika, men integrerade, koncept. Detta baserat på teorier kring intersektionalitet; vithet; den heterosexuella matrisen; orientering; och kategorisering. Resultatet av denna studie visar att transpersoner använder och upplever bibliotek på en rad olika sätt. Det framgår dock tydligt att informanterna alla ser till biblioteken för att erhålla material de kan se sig själva repre- senterade i för att få en känsla av erkännande av deras genusidentitet. Även om biblioteken lyckas erbjuda detta i vissa fall lyckas andra apsekter av biblioteken fungera för att hindra dem i deras identitetsarbete som transperso- ner. Det finns flera sätt som biblioteken kan förbättra deras tjänster gentemot sina användare som är trans, ett av sätten vilket relaterar till att arbeta mer mot att skapa mötesrum för transpersoner genom att erbjuda mer aktivite- ter som riktar sig mot denna grupp. I korthet kan man säga att bibliotek måste vara medvetna kring hur de vänder sig mot den här användargruppen, både när det kommer till vilka tjänster de erbjuder samt hur biblioteket som fysisk plats utformas. Dessa är alla aspekter som påverkar och har en inverkan på transpersoners möjlighet att konstruera och uttrycka sin genusidentitet. Key words Trans identity work; Trans experience; Library experience; Public libraries; Intersectionality; Orientation; The heterosexual matrix; Whiteness; Categorization; Ämnesord Trans identitetsarbete; transerfarenhet; biblioteksupplevelser; folkbibliotek; intersektionalitet; orientering; den heterosexuella matrisen; vithet; kategorisering;
Introduction In April of 2019 the first part of the documentary by SVT's 1 TV program Uppdrag Gransk- ning ‘The Trans Train and Teenage Girls’^2 was broadcast, with a second part following in October the same year, called ‘The Trans Train: Part 2’ 3 (Uppdrag Granskning 2019a; Upp- drag Granskning 2019b). This two-part documentary was met with a maelstrom of criticism. The documentary discusses the issue of 'detransition', which relates to trans people regretting their transformation process. It focuses primarily on young trans men (whom the documenta- ry, incorrectly, refer to as trans girls). This is an important issue to discuss since it is rarely talked about, but is still the reality for some people. However, the way Uppdrag Granskning chooses to go about tackling this issue is extremely biased and one sided, according to Sandra Ehne, chairperson for the organization RFSL (The Swedish Federation for Lesbian, Gay, Bi- sexual, Transgender and Queer Rights 4 ) (Thorén 2019). Ehne further criticizes the documen^ - tary for promoting wrongful and prejudice concepts as facts (Thorén 2019). In another inter- view Sandra Ehne accuses the program for grossly simplifying an extremely complicated is- sue, and for not properly representing the trans community. Further, the program mostly in- cludes interviews with the parents to the trans people in question, and in effect silences the voices of trans people in favor of highlighting the opinions of their cis parents. Ehne is also critical toward this aspect, claiming that it is unfair of Uppdrag Granskning to leave out the voices and experiences of the young trans people being discussed, in effect portraying them as non-subjects unable to speak for themselves (Rönngren 2019). Trans person and feminist Carl Gylling (2019) is similarly upset with the documentary, and also accuses the show of presenting wrongful facts. He further argues that the program promotes gender stereotypes by presenting trans men as mentally ill teen girls without the ca- pacity for critical reflection. Besides, both Gylling (2019) and Ehne (Rönngren 2019) describe how this has already had some real life consequences on Swedish trans people’s lives, for ex- ample by trans people having their gender identity questioned by the people in their proximi- ty. Poet and LGBTQ activist Nino Mick (2019) is critical toward the focus the show places on surgery and hormonal treatment for the transition process, which they argue is not critical for all trans people’s process. Mick (2019) expresses a fear that the documentary might lead to a more restricted trans care, focusing more strongly on strict and conservative gender categori- es. Similarly, Amnesty International Sverige and Queer Amnesty Stockholm has made a re- sponse following the documentary about how trans care in Sweden does not need to be stric- (^1) The public access TV production company Swedish Television (Sveriges Television). (^2) Original Swedish title: ‘Tranståget och tonårsflickorna’. (^3) Original Swedish title: ‘Tranståget: del 2’ (^4) Riksförbundet för homosexuellas, bisexuellas, transpersoners och queeras rättigheter in Swedish.
related to this method. In this chapter I also situate myself as a researcher. The next chapter, ‘theory’, details an overview of the theoretical framework that informs the analysis of the data. After this I present the analysis of this study in two chapters, titeled ‘representation and identification’ and ‘the duality of analysis’. Here I present the result of the study. Lastly, the chapter ‘discussion’ goes over the result of the study and relates this to the research questions. I round up this chapter by suggesting some possible further research on the topic. Terms used One thing which can be difficult to process regarding trans issues and trans studies for people not familiar with the communities is all the different words and terms used. History of sexua- lity and gender scholar Finn Enke (2012:4) recounts regularly being asked for glossaries in order to understand the terminologies better. They note, however, that this is not as easy as it might first seem, since the trans vocabulary is constantly changing and evolving. Besides that, there is not always a consensus about the meaning and implications of these words through out all trans culture and communities. It is therefore also impossible to give an exhaustive list of all possible terms one might come across (Enke 2012:16). I have tried my best to describe the ones I use or are important for understanding my analysis.
‘Sex’ is often defined through evolutionary biology as either female or male, based on whet- her a body produces eggs or sperm. However, criticism has been raised that this way of cate- gorizing human bodies is too simplistic, and that sexual dimorphism in humans is too great to simply define sex based on this one factor. In fact, it would not be difficult to define humans into more than two sex categories if one was to consider other defining aspects (Enke 2012:17).
‘Gender’ is usually connected with the cultural presentation of the biological sex; where fe- minine and masculine is the gender equivalent to female and male. It is the social and cultural presentation and ordering of people into different categories based on the appearance of bodi- es and the behavior of people, connected to the social expectations of one’s assigned biologi- cal sex and role in society. Expectations of different gender behavior’s are highly culturally dependent, and differs greatly depending on the cultural and social context (Enke 2012:18).
‘Gender identity’ is the sense that one has about themself as a gendered being. This may or may not agree with the biological sex one was given at birth, or the impression that other pe- ople get. It is also independent of societal conventions of gender or expectations about how a certain gendered body is supposed to look like (Enke 2012:18).
‘Gender expression’ describes how people express their gender identity, either through beha- vior, visual expression (such as clothes or hairstyle), voice physicality, speech acts, or body modification, etc. (Enke 2012:18).
‘Transgender’, or ‘trans’, can be used with several different connotations in mind. Firstly, it can either denote trans as a social movement advocating for every person’s right to define their personal and judicial gender for themselves, a freer definition of gender identity and ex- pression for everyone, as well as civil and social rights for people identifying as trans or gen- der non-binary. It can also be used as an umbrella-term for all forms of gender non-conformi- ty. Finally, it can be regarded as an identity that some people embrace for themselves. This include people who wish to transition from the gender they were assigned at birth, as well as people who wish to not identify with any of the two gender options commonly offered to pe- ople in today’s society, such as non-binary people (Enke 2012:18-9). Professor of philosophy Talia Bettcher (2014:2) defines transgender as a term which refers to people who do not con- form to societal expectations concerning gender.
‘Transsexual’ in contrast to ‘transgender’ is a medical term which often signifies a person who has taken some sort of medical action to transition, either surgical or hormonal treatment (Enke 2012:19; Bettcher 2014:3). This is not an umbrella term in the same way as transgender is, and many trans people do not identify with this term (GLAAD n.d.).
‘Intersex’ is a medical term for someone who has a sexual variation not conforming to the bi- ological binary idea of sex as two separate categories of male and female. There are more than thirty variations of this type. This can be expressed as ambiguous genital morphology or secondary sex characteristics to name a few. Medical institutions now prefer the term ‘Disor- ders of Sexual Development’ (DSD). This differs from being trans which does not have to be physical or biological in the same way, and intersex people are not automatically trans (Enke 2012:18).
‘Gender inclusive pronouns’ are pronouns that do not signify any specific gender, and therefo- re does not ascribe gender in the same way that gender specific pronouns do (Enke 2012:17). An example of this is the singular ‘they/them’, which is the one the concerned informants in this study prefers. Other examples are hir/hirs, zir/zirs, and xem/xyr.
‘Cisgender’ is a term to describe people who identify with the gender they were assigned at birth. ‘Cis’ is a latin prefix meaning on the same side, or staying with the same orientation (Enke 2012:20).
‘Sexual orientation’ or ‘sexual identity’ is not the same as gender identity, and instead denotes the sexual preferences of a person, what gender one is sexually attracted to (Enke 2012:20).
Background Introduction This chapter will go over what trans is, and what being trans means. I will go deeper into some of the terminology used, as well as give a historical and academic background to trans as a social movement and as a research subject. Transgender, trans-, trans, trans I already offered a short definition for the word ‘transgender’ in the terms used section of this essay, but here I plan to delve deeper into the term, what it means, and define some different discussions surrounding this term and its many variations and indications. Trans scholar Susan Stryker (2006:9) describes the imagined relationship between bodily sex and gender as something strict and tangible, gender, in this way, is seen as the reflection of sex. This is, then, why the existence of the trans community tend to cause such a strong, and often negative, reaction from the people who subscribe to this notion. Trans people very directly, by simply existing, call this relationship between sex and gender into question, and at the same time challenges the stable and material consistency of bodily sex (Stryker 2006:9). Stryker (2006:4) describes the origins of the term ‘transgender’, which was coined in 1980 by advocate for gender expression Virginia Prince, but got its current meaning in 1992 by aca- demic Leslie Feinberg. As I have already mentioned, the vocabulary surrounding trans in constantly evolving, and might even change depending on context and culture, and different sub-cultures. Even this main term of ‘transgender’ is contested throughout different schools of thought. As might have become apparent by this point, I use the shorter word ‘trans’ in this essay as opposed to ‘transgender’. Other common uses are ‘trans-‘ with a hyphen at the end, and ‘trans’ with an asterisk at the end. These two options are used to indicate the vastly different ways that one might identify inside the trans-spectrum. Trans scholars Susan Stryker, Paisley Currah, and Lisa Jean Moore (2008:11) discuss the use of the term ‘trans-‘ and the significance of the ad- ded hyphen. They point out that this might seem insignificant, but actually carries a lot of symbolic meaning. They argue that the hyphen matters a lot, and signifies the openness and inclusion of the idea of trans- that they want to bring attention to. This hyphen, then, is used to indicate that the word trans- could be concluded with any number of suffixes (Stryker et. al. 2008:11). The trans* option signals a similar mentality, where the asterisk is hinting toward the truncation method in information search, meaning that a word might be concluded in any manner of ways (TSER 2019).
However, this use of trans* with an asterisk, and by extension, trans- with a hyphen, has been criticized, in part by the website Trans Student Educational Resources (TSER, 2019). They argue that the term ‘trans’ on its own already includes all different types of trans identi- ties, not only trans men and trans women. This suggestion, then, that trans is just denoting trans men and trans women, and that you have to add a symbol to the word to include others, such as non-binary people, is a transphobic misconception. They also argue that the term trans* is inaccessible, since it is demands that you are aware of this type of language and it’s indications, and that it has more been used by people as a buzz-word to prove how involved they are in the community, rather than to promote inclusion (TSER 2019). With all this in mind, ‘transgender’ being possibly a little too closed off and associated with transitioning trans people, and maybe not those who reject the binary aspect of gender, and, trans- and trans* being criticized for their redundancy, I decided to use the plain ‘trans’ in this essay. With this word I intend to include all possible trans identities, both binary and non- binary. Trans history Finn Enke (2012:4) defines transgender as an umbrella term with an ever evolving list of ‘trans-ing’ identities covered under it. This, Enke (2012:4) argues, includes, for example, fem queens and butch queens, drag kings and drag queens, people with intersex conditions, andro- gynous people, the list continues. However, in practice the term is mostly used to signify pe- ople with significant cross-gender identification, such as trans men, trans women, and non- binary people (Enke (2012:4). It should be noted that TSER (2019) criticizes this notion of including cis-gendered people, such as lesbians, drag performers, and androgynous people who are not trans, under the trans nomenclature. An umbrella term like this becomes impor- tant, Enke (2012:5) argues, since it helps express the collected experience of many of these people of having their gender identity suppressed on a societal and institutional level, making it difficult for them to use such things as public accommodations, public services, and many public spaces which work to enforce a gender binary. This uproar against trans people can be seen everywhere in society. Stryker (2006:10) notes that individuals who harass or commit violence toward trans people often excuse their behavior with the argument that they have been deceived by this person since their gender presentation does not match their genitalia in the way they were expecting. At the same time, institutions violate trans people by using geni- tal status as the basis for how to place individuals in places such as prisons, rape crisis cen- ters, and homeless shelters, as opposed to someone’s gender identity (Stryker 2006:10). Legal scholar and trans activist Stephen Whittle (2006:xi) writes about how trans identiti- es are more accessible now than they ever have been before. The concept of trans as a possib- le gender identity is getting more attention, and therefore become a more available option for a lot of people who disassociates with the gender they were attributed at birth. Despite this, the issues associated with being trans are still as prevalent as ever. All over the world, being trans is associated with the risk of experiencing discrimination, oppression, violence, and de- ath (Whittle 2006:xi-xii).
gories. ‘Trans-ing’, Stryker et. al. (2008:13) further argues, is a practice taking place within gendered spaces. This practice, then, produces gender by relating it to possible other attributes of identity, and this meeting reassembles these attributes into something new. As trans gender identities are continuously threatened by social unintelligibility, trans-ing can be a way to es- cape this stigma. In relation to queer scholar Sara Ahmed’s theories relating to orientation and sexuality (which I will describe in the theory chapter of this essay), Stryker et. al. (2008:13) make a similar connection between body orientation in space and trans identity work. Enke (2012:7) discuss the fraught relationship between trans people and public bat- hrooms. They claim that the behavior of expressing that trans people do not belong in the bat- hroom they choose to visit works to structure these places, and also makes trans identities in- visible. Allowing this type of behavior signals a reduction of gender variance, and also that these spaces are not for trans people. Further, they argue that we become subjects in society by occupying points within institutional structures, and that these institutions sometimes vio- lently rejects a place for some people not following these specific structures. These, then, be- comes ‘impossible people’. By making sex, and specifically genial status, a criteria for spatial occupancy, trans people are placed in this ‘impossible’ category. Bathrooms are the clearest example of such spaces, but homeless shelters, prisons, dorms, and changing rooms are some other examples working in this manner to spatially organize bodies (Enke 2012:11-4).
Previous Research Introduction Previous research on the topic of library and trans library users is somewhat lacking. I was not able to find any scientific research on this topic focusing on a Swedish context, only a few student bachelor essays, including Josefin Nilsson’s ‘LGBTQ-youth and Their Experiences with Libraries’ 5 published 2019 and Emmy Håkansdotter’s ‘”Then I EXSIST”: A Study about the User’s Perception of the Rainbow Shelf’^6 published 2019, neither of which focuses exclu- sively on trans users. Therefore, I will compare my results to studies conducted in other cul- tural contexts outside of Sweden, specifically the US and Finland. I think that a lot of the is- sues raised in these studies can still be applied to a Swedish context, considering there is still a Western cultural context featured in all texts. However, it is important to note that there are differences, especially considering the library system in these different countries. None of the studies I have decided to include do exactly what I do, which is a qualitative study on how trans library user’s themselves experience public libraries, however, they still give an interesting context to my study. Michael Waldman writes in ‘Libraries and the Trans Community’, from 2014, about how libraries can work to be more inclusive of trans patrons. This is a chapter in the book Serving LGBTQ Library and Archives Users: Essays on Outre- ach, Service, Collections and Access published 2014 , edited by Ellen Greenblath, which would be an interesting read for anyone hoping to or already working at a library or archive. Melissa Adler’s ‘Transcending Library Catalogs: A Comparative Study of Controlled Terms in Library of Congress Subject Headings and User-Generated Tags in LibraryThing for Transgender Books’ published 2009 and Amber Billey and Emily Drabinski’s ‘Questioning Authority: Changing Library Cataloging Standards to Be More Inclusive to a Gender Identity Spectrum’ published 2019, both focus on cataloging systems related to trans and gender is- sues. Aria Maria Pohjanen and Terttu Anna Maarit Kortelainen’s article called ‘Transgender Information Behavior’ published 2015 , like the title implies, focuses mostly on information behavior. Pohjanen & Kortelainen’s article is also the only one written in a Finish context, all others centers on The United States. Lastly, Emily Drabinski’s ‘Queering Library Space: Notes Toward a New Geography of the Library’ published 2008 focuses on the library space as a tool to invite or exclude LGBTQ patrons, and is the only article in this review which does not exclusively focus on trans users. It does still offer interesting ideas which relate to my study, which is why I chose to include it. Other articles on the subject that I did not include, but are still interesting to read for those interested in the subject, are: Kelly J. Thompson’s ‘Where’s the ’T’?: Improving Library Service to Community Members who are Transgender- (^5) Original Swedish title: ‘HBTQ-ungdomars erfarenheter av bibliotek’. (^6) Original Swedish title: ‘”Då FINNS jag.”: En studie om användarens uppfattningar om regnbågshyllan’.
for trans users. By making the gender category optional you would include both trans users currently in the process of transitioning, as well as non-binary users who do not identify with the binary gender system (Waldman 2014:30-2). Another area that needs to be looked over is the physical space of the library. One key issue here is the bathrooms, as Enke (2012:7) brings up as a critical place for many trans pe- ople. A lot of libraries have sex-separated public bathrooms which can be a huge road block for trans and non-binary people as they often experience harassment in these places. One way to solve this is instead offer all, or at least some, gender-neutral bathrooms. If this is not pos- sible the library needs to have an action plan on how to deal with a situation where someone is hesitant about using the public bathrooms, for example by offering the person to use the staff bathroom (Waldman 2014:32). Drabinski (2008:31-4) argues that the way the library is constructed, both intellectually and as a physical space, reflects democratic ideologies. She narrates an example of a library in Florida where a display of books for pride month was taken down after complaints from diffe- rent patrons. This sends a clear signal that the library is primarily a space for normative hete- rosexual cis-patrons, and that queer-patrons comes second in priority and are not welcome under the same pretences. If the library is to be a safe space for all people, including trans and non-binary people, the library needs to take a stand on these types of issues. Drabinski (2008:34-5) means that the library as a space for democracy is not stable, but is instead ever evolving and in a state of becoming. Therefore the library needs to be ever present on the is- sue of being a welcoming space even for those patrons who fall outside of the norm. It is not enough to make a single effort to include trans people in the library space, instead continuous active work is required. Another issue that needs to be adressed is other patrons that might make trans users feel unwelcome. In a study by Gay, Lesbian, Straight Education Network (GLSEN) that Waldman (2014:33) mentions, 90 percent of trans students overheard negative comments about someo- ne’s gender expression at one or more occasion. I do not think it is out of line to assume that these types of comment occur at libraries as well. Therefore libraries need to have a clear po- licy on how to adress the transphobia of other library users, to procure the safety and wellbe- ing of their trans users. Of course, one of the biggest things a library can do to spread and ensure accessibility of information on trans issues is to provide an extensive and updated collection of material on the topic. Trans people as a group is not homogenous, and therefore a number of different to- pics need to be provided. People interested in medically transitioning would be in need of in- formation of a more medical nature, while parents of small kids might be more interested in children’s literature. Many trans people long to see representations of themselves in media, so a good stock of fiction with trans representation is also necessary. Trans people struggle with mental illness more than the average population, so topics on that is important as well (Wald- man 2014:33-4). Information on trans history and activism should also be sought after (Waldman 2014:33-5). Waldman (2014:34) also points out that it is important to highlight this type of information, and not just keep it hidden away on the shelves at all times. However, they also claim that information of this nature have a tendency to disappear, either because of transphobic people destroying it, or insecure trans users stealing it because they are nervous
about checking it out (Waldman 2014: 34). Of course it is also important to realize that trans users in general are interested in the same type of material other users are interested in, but that specific information could also be of interest. In addition to that, not everyone interested in this type of material must necessarily be trans (Waldman 2014:34-5). Waldman (2014:35) also recommends collaborating with different local organizations that curates for the trans population. Having activities and programming with a trans or LGBTQ theme is another important step in announcing the library as a trans-friendly space, and wor- king with different organizations to put up these types of activities might be helpful. Trans information and cataloging Waldman (2014:37) touches slightly on the problems connected to cataloging and trans in- formation. For one, the Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) did not include the word transgender until 2007. Another problem they discuss is the static nature of a controlled vocabulary that does not reflect the reality of real life, which tends to be dynamic and evol- ving. A subject area such as ‘trans’ where new information and terminology is developed all the time, and which also embraces a strong identification with the concept of fluidity, this sta- tic aspect of controlled vocabularies becomes an issue (Waldman 2014:37). Adler (2009:310) discusses the issue of controlled vocabularies and the subject of trans issues further. She criticises LCSH for mainly serving a mainstream audience, which in turn leads to a lack of terms to describe minority issues, thereby discriminating against them. Furt- her Adler (2009:311-2) argues that categories have a real impact on the lives of those being categorized, and can shape not only the way others view them, but also the way they view themselves. LCSH, having such a huge impact on categorization, not just in the US but world wide, therefore acts as an authority on how individuals should be represented, and if they are represented at all. This can also be seen with the late admission of the term ‘transgender’, and the term ‘genderqueer’ still not being included. LCSH have been heavily criticized specifical- ly for their representation, or lack thereof, of queer and homosexual subjects (Adler 2009:314). Adler (2009:328) argues that while controlled vocabularies can be helpful when it comes to organization and searchability of information, it lacks when it comes to a democratic aspect. One way that Adler (2009:317) suggests that this issue be solved is by combining the con- trolled vocabularies with a more democratic and fast adapting tagging system, or folksonomy. Folksonomy suggests that users are able to tag sources with whatever subject heading they find most appropriate. This gives a voice to minorities to describe themselves, and allows for a more serendipitous information search experience. It would also work to make information on topics such as trans issues easier to find, seeing as the cataloging process on these types of issues is still lacking, even if the appropriate terms are available (Adler 2009:310;315;317). Billey & Drabinski (2019:118) also criticise the cataloging systems of suggesting certain things about certain topics based on what they are grouped next to. For example, information on trans topics are often placed close to information on bestiality, both of which are grouped under the term ‘deviant lifestyles’.
can be difficult to navigate the sheer amount of data that the internet provides (Pohjanen & Kortelainen (2015:172-3). Other important sources of information that Pohjanen & Kortelai- nen (2015:172) were able to establish were tv, peer support groups, trans friends, medical ar- ticles, medical professionals, as well as books, both fiction and non-fiction. When it comes to the production of information on trans issues, Pohjanen & Kortelainen (2015:173) mention another study by Vilkka from 2006 which claims that this is also often produced by trans people. This means that trans people themselves are often active contribu- tors in creating information for other trans people. However, this knowledge is therefore also unevenly distributed among different people in society, since it relies on knowing people go- ing through similar issues. A wider spread of this type of information, then, would help more people to receive the information they need in order to achieve their identity work as trans people. However, it would also be useful for other people, such as medical and social authori- ties, as well as society as a whole, in supporting young trans people struggling with their gen- der identity (Pohjanen & Kortelainen 2015:173). However, these authorities, including information specialists such as librarians, can also work as a barrier to the information seeking of individuals. For example, if these people do not use the same vocabulary, or have the same understanding of the phenomenon as the peop- le searching for information has, communication of information can become problematic. Ot- her barriers related to information behavior and seeking can be socioeconomic circumstances, values, lifestyles, language, physical environment and personal characteristics. This in rela- tion to a lack of information on the topic, specifically about the transition process, and a lack of reliable and up to date information. In addition to this, fear was given as a major obstacle for searching for information, especially in the beginning (Pohjanen & Kortelainen 2015:173;176;181-182). Pohjanen & Kortelainen’s (2015:178) study show that most of their informant did not find that information was readily available as they began struggling with their gender identity. In fact, most of their introductory encounter with the concept of trans happened serendipitously, and not by them actively seeking it out. Because the informants did not acquire the adequate terminology at an early age, they were not able to find information on what they were after through active search. This serendipitous information acquisition was found through books, television, movies and on the internet. What type of information someone is looking for in regards to trans issues also seem to depend on what stage in their transition or identity journey the people in question are at. One thing that was apparent across the board was that trans people are not only interested in facts, but also role models, as well as examples on how to more directly conduct their identity work. People in the middle of a transition process were more interested in looking for information pertaining to transitioning and the surgery and risks connected to the procedure. Similarly, those just about to start hormone treatment required mostly information on hormone products and doses (Pohjanen & Kortelainen 2015:179). Sources of information used by the informants in the study came from a number of diffe- rent places, including intimate personal networks and wider social circles, both including ot- her trans people, as well as the internet, mass media, books, movies, news, and music. Some of the institutional sources mentioned was the library, trans support organization, as well as
medical institutions focusing on trans care. Other trans people and the internet was named as the most important sources of information in most cases (Pohjanen & Kortelainen 2015:179-81). Sharing information was also named as an important aspect of the information behavior of trans people. Both sharing information with others, be that own experiences or other rele- vant sources, or being on the receiving end of this information sharing. This was often con- ducted through a peer group, or through wider personal networks. This was proclaimed as the most important and most reliable source of information on trans issues (Pohjanen & Kortelai- nen 2015:183). Pohjanen & Kortelainen (2015:187) also point out that it is important to keep in mind that not all trans people are the same, and therefore their information behavior does not need to be the same. For example, not all people in their study build their gender identity toward being trans, but some instead to this with their identified gender in mind. As can also be seen in my informants, not all trans people identify as trans men or trans women, but instead as men or women. Or, as with the gender identity of non-binary, toward neither male nor female. Non- binary gender identities, Pohjanen & Kortelainen (2015:187) show, is often ignored and for- gotten about in media coverage and scientific research on trans identities.
