antrpología, Apuntes de Introducción a Cultura Antropológica

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Arbre poleqyZbe st4d, eS en Sonidos - What Is Anthropology? Chapter Tie shot 0 4 máns aré among the world's most adaptáble animals, Ín the Andes of South America, people wake up in villages 17,500 feet above sea level and then trek 1,500 feet higher to work in tin 'mines, Tribes in the Australian desert worship animals and discuss philosophy. People survive malaria in the tropics, Men have walked on the moon. The model of ne Stership Enterprise in Washingtows Smithsonian Institution symbol. izes the desire to “seek out new life and civiliza- tions, to boldly go where no one has gone be- fore“* Wishes to know the unknown, control the uncontrollable, and bring order to chaos find ex- pression among all peoples, Adaptability and Dexibility are basic human attríbutes, and human: diversity is the subject matter of anthropology. Students ate often surprised by te breadth of anthropology, which is the study of the human species and ¡ts immediate ancestors, An- thropology is a uniquely comparative and holis- tic science, Holism refers to the study of the whole of the human condition: past, present, and future; biology, society, language, and cul- ture, Most people think that anthropologists study fossils and nonindustrial, non-Western cultures, and many of them do. But anthropol- ogy is much more than the study of nonindus- trial peoples: ltis a comparative field that exam- ines all societies, ancient and modern, simple and complex. The other social sciences tend to focus on a single society, usually an industrial nation like the United States or Canada. Anthro- pology, however, offers a unique crosscultural perspective by constantly comparing the cus- toms of one society with those of others. People share society—organized life in groups—with other animals, including baboons, seolves, and even ants. Culture, however, is dis tinctly Ímman. Cultures are traditions and cus- toms, transmitted tirough leaming, that govern the beliefs and behavior of the people exposed to them. Children leam such a tradition by growing up in a particular society, through a process called enculturation, Cultural traditions include customs and opinions, developed over the generations, about proper and improper be- havior. These traditions answer such questions as: How should we do things? Bow do we make sense of the world? How do we tell fight from wrong? Whats sight, and what is wrong? A cul- ture produces a degree of consístency in behay- jor and thought among the people who live in a particular society: sorrcts, gocralzctra 16%, e7e DABA The most critical element af cultural tradi- tions is their transmission through learning rather than through biological inheritance. Cul- tur is not itself biological, but it rests on certain features of human biology. For more than a mil- lion years, humans have had at Jeast some of the biological capacities on which culture depends. “These abilities are to learn, to thúnk symbolically, to use language, and to employ tools and other products in organizing their lives and adapting to their environmients. Anthropology confronts and ponders major questions of human existence as it explores human biological and cultural diversity in time and space. By examining ancient bones and tools, we unravel the mysteries of human ori- gins. When did our ancestors separate from those remote great-aunts and great-uncles whose descendants are the apes? Where and when did Homo sapiens oviginate? How has our species changed? What are we now and where are we going? Bow have changes in culture and society influenced biological change? Our genus, Homo, has been changing for more than one mil- lion years. Humans contínue to adapt and change both biologically and culturally. Adapration, Varíation, and Change Adaptation refers to the processes by which or- ganisms cope with environmental forces and Stresses. How do organisms change to fit their environments? Like other animals, humans use biological means of adaptation. But humans are unique in also having cultural means of adapta tio. For example, consider four ways (one cul- tural and three biological) in which humans may cope with low oxygen pressure at high altitudes. Illustrating cultural (technological) adaptation weould be a pressurized airplane cabin equipped with oxygen masks. There are three ways of adapting biologically to a high altitude: genetic adaptation, long-term physiological adaptation, and short-term physjological adaptation. First, native populations of high altitude areas, such as the Andes of Peru and the Himalayas of Tibet and Nepal, seem to have acquired certain ge- netic advantages for life at very high altitudes The tendency to develop a voluminous chest and lungs, for example, probably has a genetic basis. Second, regardless of their genes, people who grow up ata high altitude become physio- logically more efficient there than genetically Fortis of Cultural and Biological Adaptation (to High Altitude) Form of Adaptation Technology <= ¡Genetic adapta | generation). e ¿Long-term physiofogical adaptation toccurs ding grómáh and developmentof thé individual - erganisi) PA Es Type of Adaptation Cultoral Example Pressurized alepláne cabin with oxygeh masks, Larger “Dajrel dh dtialilanders 52:00 More efficient respiratory system, to “extract oxygen fram "thin ar. similar people who have grown up at sea level would be. This illustrates long-term physiologi- cal adaptation during the body's growth and de- velopment. Third, humans also have the capac- ity for short-term or immediate physiological adaptation. Thus, when lowlanders arrive in the highlands, they immediately increase their breathing and heart rates. Hyperventilation in- creases the oxygen in teir Jungs and arteries. As the pulse also increases, blood reaches their tis- sues more rapidly. All these varied adaptive re- sponses—cultural and biologí- cal—achieve a single goal: maintaining an adequate sup- ply of oxygen to the body. Table 1.1 summarizes te cul- tural and biological means that humans use to adapt to high altitudes. As human history has un- folded, the social and cultural means of adaptation have be- come increasingly important. In this process, inimans have de- vised diverse ways of coping with the range of environments they have oceupied ín time and space. The rate of cultural adap- tation and change has acceler- ated, particularly during the past 10,000 years. For millions of years, hhnting and gathering oé na- ture's bounty—foraging—=was te sole basis af human subsistence. However, it took only a few thousand years for food production (the cultiva- tion of plants and domestication of animals), which originated some 12,000-10,000 years ago, to replace foraging in most areas. Between 6000 and 5000 p.». (before the pres- ent), the first civilizations arose. These were large, powerful, and complex societies, such as ancient Egypt, that conquered and:governed large geographic areas. Much more recently, the spread of industrial production has profoundly affected human life. Throughout human history, major innovation have spread at the expense Of earlier ones. Each economic revolution has had har ls Antlaropology? What Is Anthropology? Chaprerz Years of swimming sculpt a distinctive. physique—án entarded upper torso, a massive neck, and powerful shoulders:and back. The countries.thabtend to produce successful female sWimmers are the United States, Cariada, Australia; Germany. Scandinavia, and the former Soviet Union, where this body1ype jsp'+ as stigmiatized for. womén ss it is inLetin Countries. E sports and whites in others. A key factor is de- gree of public access to sports facilitics, ln owr public schools, parks, sandlots, and city play- grounds, African-Americans have access to baseball diamond, basketball courts, football fields, and tracks. However, because of re- stricted economic opportunities, many black families can't afford to buy hockey gear or ski equipment, take ski vacations, pay for tennis les- sons, or belong to clubs with tennis courts, pools, or golf courses. In the United States, mainly white suburban boys (and, increasingly, grls) play soccer, the most popular sport in the world. In Brazil, however, soccer is the national pastime for all males—black and white, rich and poor. There is wide public access. Braziliaris Play soccer on the beach and in streets, squares, parks, and playgrounds. Many of Brazil's best soccer players, including the worid-famous Peló, have dark skins, When blacks have opportuni- ties to do well in soccer, tennis, golf, or any other sport, they are physically capable of doing as well as whites. Why does the United States have so many black football and basketball players and so few black swimmers and hockey players? The answer lies mainly ín cultural factors, in- cluding variable access and op- portunities. Many Brazilians Practice soccer, hoping to play for money for a professional club. Similarly, American blacks are aware that certain sports have provided career opportunities for African- Americans. They start devel- oping skills in those sports in childhood. The better they do, the more likely they are to per- sist, and the pattern continues. Culture—specifically differen- tial access to sports re- sources—has more to do with sports success than “race” does, Another area in which anthropology's cul- tural and biological perspectives meet is in ex- amining the purported relation between “race” and IQ. We know of no evidence for biologi- cally based contrasts in intelligence between races, classes, or sexes. Environmental vari- ables, such as educational, economic, and s0- cial background, provide much better explana- tions for performance on intelligence tests by such groups. Standard tests reflect the back- grounds of those who develop and administer them. All tests are to some extent culture- bound and Diased. Prejudice and ignorance guide the mistaken belief that misfortme and poverty result from innate lack of ability. Oocasionally, doctrines of inborn superiority are even set forth by scien- tísts, who, after all, often come from privileged backgrounds. One of the best-known examples is Jensenism, named for the educational psychologist Arthur Jensen (Jensen 1969). Jensenism is a highly questionable interpretation of the observation that African-Americans, on average, perform less well on intelligence tests than Euro-Americans do. Jensenism asserts that blacks are hereditarily incapable of doing as well as wehitos do, Writing witix Charles Murray, Richard Hermnstein makes a similar argument in the 1994 book Fhe Bell Curve, to which the fol- lowing critique also applies (soe also Jacoby and Glauberman 1995). lt should be noted that Jensen, Hermstein, and Murray have no train- ing or expertise in genetics or human evolution Es ES Environmental explana- tions for test scores are much more convincing than are the genetic arguments of Jensen, Herrnstein, and Murray. Án environmental explanation does not deny that some people may be smarter than others, ln any society, for many reasons, genetic and environmental, the talents of individuals vary. An environmental explanation does deny, however, that these differences can be generalized to whole populations or social groups. Also, even when talk- ing about individuals, we have to decide which of several abili- tíes is the best measure of intelligence. Paychologists have devised various kinds of tests to measure intelligence, but there are problems with all of them. Early intelligence tests required skill in manipulating words. Such tests do not accurately measure learning ability for several reasons. For example, individuals who have learned two lan- as guages as children—bilin- guals—don't do as well, on av- erage, on verbal intelligence tests as do those who have learned a single language. lt would be absurd to suppose that children who master two languages have inferior intelli- gence. The explanation seems to be that because bilinguals have vocabularies, concepts, and verbal skills in both lan- guages, lheir ability to manip- ulate either one sufíers a bit This would seem to be offset by the advantage of being Mu- entin two languages. Tests reflect the experience of tie people who devise them, who are usually educated people in Europe and North America. Icisw't surprising that midale- and upper-class children do best, because they are more likely to share the test makers” educational expectations and standards. Numerovs studies have shown that performance on Scholastic Achievement Jests (SATs) can be improved by coaching and preparation, Parents who can afford 5500 or The Brazilian'sóccer team poses just before the-fínal match of the 1998 World Cup between Brazil and France. Compare the Brazilian soccer team above with the. “German team below. What contrasts do yd; notice?.How do yowexplala them? more for an SAT preparation course enhance their kids' chances of getting high scores. Stan- dard college entrance exams are similar to TQ tests in that they have claimed to measure intel- lectual aptitude, They may do this, but they also Gencral Anthropology Winels Anthropology? 10 Chapter measure type and quality of high school educa- tion, linguistic and cultural background, and parental wealth. No test is free of bías based on class and culture. 1Q tests use middle-class experience as a standard for determining what should be known at a given chronolegical age. Also, such tests are usually administered by middle-class white people who give instructions ín a dialect* or language that may not be totally familiar to the child being tested. WouldrYt it seem reason- able to asume that test performance would im- prove when the cultural, socioeconomic, and linguistic backgrounds of takers and examiners are similar (Watson 1972)? Recognizing the difficulties in devising a culture-free test, psychologists have developed several nonverbal tests, hoping to find an objec- five measure that is not bound to a single culture. In one such test, individuals score higher by adding body parts to a stick figure. ln a maze test, subjects trace their way out of various mazes. The score increases with the speed of completion. Other tests also base scores on speed, for exam- ple, in fitting geomctric objects into appropriately shaped spaces. All these tests are culture-bound because our culture stresses speed and competi- tíon, whercas most nonindustrial cultures do not Cultural biases in testing affect performance by people in other cultures as well as by differ- ent groups in the same nation. ln the United States, for example, many Native Americans have grown up on reservations or under cordi- tions of urban or rural poverty. They have suf- fered social, economic, political, and cultural discrimination, In one study, Native Americans scored the lowest (a mean of 81, compared with a standard of 100) of any minority group in the United States (Klineberg 1951), But when the en- vironment during growth and development ju- cludes opportunities similar to those available to smiddle-class Americans, test performance tends to equalizc. Consider the Osage Indians, on whose reservation oil was discovered. Profiting tom oil sales, the Osage did not experience the stresses of poverty. They developed a good school system, and their average 1Q was 104 Here the relationship between test scores and the environment is particularly clear. The Osage didn't settle on the reservation because they knew oil was there. There is no reason to believe that these people were innately more intelligent than Indians on different reservations. They were just luckier, and afterward they benefitted from their good fortune. Similar links between social, economic, and educational environment and test scores show up in comparisons of American blacks and whites. At the beginning of World War , intelli- gence tests were given to approximately one million American army recruits. Blacks from some northern states had higher average scores than did whites from some southern states. At that time, northern blacks got a better public ed- ucation than many southern whites did, so their superior performance wasrt surprising. The fact that southern whites did better, on average, than southern blacks was also expectable, given the unequal school systems then open to whites and blacks in the South, Racists tried to dismiss the environmental explanation for the superior performance uf northem blacks compared with southerners by suggesting sclective migration, that smarter blacks had moved north. However, it was possi- ble to test that idea, which turned out to be false. 1 smarter blacks had moved north, their supe- rior intelligence should have been evident in their school records wlile they were still living in the South. lt wasn't. Furthermore, studies in New York, Washington, and Philadelphia showed that as length of residence in those citics increased, test scores also rose, Studies of identical twins raised apart also illustrate the impact of environment on identical heredity. Ín a study of 19 pairs of twins, 1Q scores varied directly with years in school, The average difference in IO was only 15 points for the eight twin pairs with the same amount of schooling, lt was 10 points,for the 11 pairs with an average of five years” difference. One subject, with 14 years more clucation than his twin, scoted 24 points higher (Bronfenbrenner 1973), These and similar studies provide over- whelming evidence that test scores measure background and education rather than geneti- cally determined intelligence, For centurics, Eu- ropeans and their descendants extended their political and economic control over much of the world. They colonized and eccupied environ- menis that they reached in their ships and con- quered with their weapons, Even today, most People who live in the world's most powerful and prosperous nations have light skin color. Some people in these currently powerful coun- tries may incorrectly assert and believe that thcir position rests on innate biological superiority. We are living in and interpreting the world at a particular time, Archacology and history teach us that in the past there were far different associations between centers of power and human physical characteristics. When Euro- peans were simple farmers and herders, ad- vanced civilizations thrived in the Middle East, When Europe was in the Dark Ages, there were civilizations in West Africa, on the East African coast, in Mexico, and in Asia. Before the Indus- trial Revolution, the ancestors of many white Europeans and North Americans were living more like precolonial Africans than like current members of the American middle class, Do you think that preindustrial Europeans would excel on 20th-century 1Q tests? The Subdisciplines of Anthropology Cultural Anthropology Cultural anthropology is the study of human society and culture, the subfield that describes, analyzes, interprets, and explains social and cul- tural similarities and differences. To study and interpret cultural diversity, cultural anthropolo- gists engage in two kinds of activity: ethnogra- phy (based on field work) and ethnology (based on crosscultural comparison). Etinography pro- vides an account of a particular community, so- ciety, or culture, During etnographic fieldwork, the ethnographer gathers data that he or she or- ganizes, describes, analyzes, and interprets to build and present that account, which may be in the form of a book, article, or film. Traditionally, ethnographers have lived in small communities (such as Arermbepe, Brazil —see “Interesting Is- sues” on the following page) and studicd local behavior, beliefs, customs, social life, economic activitics, politics, and religion What kind ofex- perience is cthnography for the cihnographer? The box offers some clues. The anthropological perspective derived from ethnographic field work often differs radi- cally from that of economics or political science. Those fields focus on national and 'official organizations and policies and often on elites. However, the groups that anthropologists have traditionally studied have usually been rela- tively poor and powerless, as are most people in the world today. Ethnographers often observe discriminatory practices directed toward such people, who experience food shortages, dietary deficiencies, and other aspects of poverty. Politi- cal scientists tend to study programs that na- tional planners develop, while anthropologists discover how these programs work on the local level. Cultures are not isolated. As noted by Franz Boas (1940/1966) many years ago, con- tact between neighboring tribes has always ex- isted and has extended over enormous areas. “Human populations construct their cultures in interaction with one another, and not ín iso- lation” (Wolf 1982, p. ix). Villagers increasingly participate in regional, national, and world events. Exposure to external forces comes through the mass media, migration, and mod- ern transportation. City and nation increas- ingly invade local communities in the guise of tourists, development agents, government and religious officials, and political candidates Such linkages are prominent components of re- gional, national, and international systems of polítics, economics, and information. These larger systems increasingly affect the people and places anthropology has traditional ly studied. The study of such linkages-and sys- tems is part of the subject matter of modern antlropology. Ethnology examines; interprets/ápalyzes, and:compares the results. of ethnography —the data'gathered in different societies..1t uses such data to compare and contrast and to make gen- eralizations about society and culture. Looking beyond the particular to the more general, eth- nologists attempt to idetitifysand:éxplain cúltural differénces'and similarities, YÓ test hypothieses;andito biild' Bot to enfiancs our understanding of hó systems work, Etlnology gets its data for com- parison not just from ethnography but also from the other subfields, particularly from ar- chaeological anthropology; which reconstructs social systems of the past. (Table 12 summa- rizes the main contrasts between cthnography and ethnology.) social and ccul tirar es of Anthropology The Subdiscipli What Is Anthropology? Chapter Table 1.2 Ethnograply and Ethnology-Tevo Dimensions of Cultural Anthropology Ethnography Etinology + Requites field workcto '-: *: Useg data collected by a: collect dat “deries Ofrestarchers y Oda ato Comparative! «cross Eultár Archaeological Anthropology Archaeological anthropology (more simply, “archacology”) reconstructs, describes; “and in- terprets past human behavior and cultural pát- terns through material remains. At sites where people live or have lived, archacologists find ar tifacts, material items that humans have made or modified, such as tools, weapons, camp sites, and buildings. Plant and animal remains and an- cient garbage tell storics about consumption and activities. Wild and domesticated grains have different characteristics, which allow archacolo- gists to distinguish between gathering and culti- vation. Examination of animal bones reveals the ages ol slaughtered animals and provides other information useful ín determining whether species were wild or domesticated. Analyzing such data, archacologists answer several questions about ancient economies. Did the group get lts meat from hunting, or did it domesticate and breed animals, killing only those of a certain age and sex? Did plant food come from wild plants or from sowing, tending, and harvesting crops? Did the residents make, trade for, or buy particular items? Were raw ma- terials available locally? If not, where did hey come from? From such information, archaeolo- gists reconstruct patterns of production, trade, and consumption. Archacologists have spent much time studying potsherds, fragments of earthenware, Potsherds are mote durable than many other artífacts, such as textiles and wood. The pot- tery types ata site can suggest its technological complexity. The quantity of pottery fragments allows estimates of population size and den- sity. The discovery that potters used materials that were not locally available suggests sys- tems of trade. Similarities in manufacture and decoration at different sites may be proof of cultural connections. Groups with similar pots may be historically related. Perhaps they shared common cultural ancestors, traded with each other, or belonged to the same political systern, Many archacologists examine palenecology. Ecology is the study of interrelations among liv- ing things in an environment. The organísms and environment together constitute an ecosys- tem, a patterned arrangement of energy flows and exchanges. Human ecology studies ecos: tems that include people, focusing on the ways in which human use “af nature influences and is influenced by social organization and cultural values” (Bennett 1969, pp. 10-11). Paleoecology looks at he ccosystems of the past. In addition to reconstructing ecological pat- terns, archacologists may infer cultural transfor- matiors, for example, by observing changes in the size and type of sites and the distance be- iwcen them. A city develops in a region where only towns, villages, and hamlets existed a few centuries earlier, The number of settlement lev- els (city, town, village, hamlet) is a measure of social complexity. Buildings offer clues about political and religious features. Temples and pyramids suggest that an ancient society had an authority structure capable of marshaling the labor needed to build such monuments. The presence or absence of certain structures, like the Pyramids of ancient Egypt and Mexico, reveals differences in function between settlements. For example, some towns were places where people came to attend ceremonies. Others were burial sites; still others were farmigg communities. Archaeologists also-reconstruct behavior patterns and life styles óf the past by excavating. This involves digging through a succession of levels at a particular site. ln a given area, through time, settlements may change in form and purpose, as may the connections between settlements. Excavation can document changes in economic, social, and political activities. Although archaeologists are best known for studying prehistory, that is, the period before the invention of writing, they also study the cul- tures of historical and even living peoples Studying sunken ships off the Florida Coast, un- derwater archacologísts have been able to verify the living conditions on the vessels that brought ancestral African-Americans to the New World as enslaved people. Another, even more contem- porary, illustration of archacology is a rescarch project begun in 1973 in Tucson, Arizona. Ar- chacologist William Rathje has learned about contemporary life by studying modern garbage. The value of “garbology,” as Rathje calls it, ts that it provides “evidence of what people did, not what they think they did, what they think they should have done, or what the interviewer thinks they should have done” (Harrison, Rathje, and Hughes 1993, p. 108). What people report may contrast strongly with their real be- havior as revealed by garbology. For example, the garbologists discovered that the three Tue- son neighborhoods that reported the lowest beer consumption actually had the highest number of discarded beer cans per household (Podolefsky: and Brown 1992, p. 100)! Biological, or Physical, Anthropology The subject matter of biological, :or physical, anthropology is lwman biological diversity in time and space. The focus on biological variation unites five special interests withún biological anthropology: 1. Human evolution as revealed by the fossil record (paleoanthropology). 2, Human genetics. 3, Human growih and development, 4. Human biological plasticity (the body's ability to change as it copes with stresses, such as heat, cold, and alótude). 5. The biology, evolution, behavior, and social life of monkeys, apes, and other nonhuman primates, These interests link physical anthropology" to other fields: biology, zoulogy, geology, anatomy, physiology, medicine, and public healih. Osteology—the study of bones—helps paleoanthropologists, who examine skulls, tecth, and bones, to identify human ancestors and to chart changes in anatomy over time, A paleon- tologist is a scientist who studies fossils. A pale- canthropologist ís one sort of paleontologist, one who studies the fossil record of human The Subdisciplines of Anthropology. Whae Is Anthropology? 16 Chaptera Paleoaritirrópologists study the fossil record “of human evolution. This photo shows z Professor Teuku facob'with early fossil.siculls * Arom Java, Indonesiá: a evolution, Paleoanthropologists often collabo- rate with archaeologists, who study artifacts, in reconstructing biological and cultural aspects of human evolution. Fossils and tools are often found together. Different types of tools provide information about the habits, customs, and life styles of the ancestral humans «who vsed them. More than a century ago, Charles Darwin noticed that the variety that exists within any population permits some individuals (those with the favored, or adaptive, characteristics) to do better than others at surviving and reproduc- ing. Genetics, which developed later, enlightens us about the causes and transmission of this va riety, However, itisn't just genes that cause vari- ety. During any individual's lifetime, thé envi- ronment. works. along with heredity to determinebiological features, For example, peo- ple with a genetic tendency to be tall will be shorter if they are poorly nourished during childhood. Thus, biological anthropology also investigates the influence of environment on the body as it grows and matures. Among the envi- ronmental factors that influence the body as it develops are nutrition, altitude, temperature, and disease, as well as cultural factors, such as the standards of attractiveness we considered previously. Biological anthropology (along with zool- ogy) also includes primatology. The primates in- clude our closest relatives—apes and monkeys. Primatologísts study their biology, evolution, be- havior, and social life, often in their natural envi- ronments. Primatology assists paleoanthropol- Ogy, because primate behavior may shed light on early human behavior and human nature. Linguistic Anthropology We don't know (and probably never will) when our ancestors acquired the ability to speak, al- though biological anthropologists have looked to tie anatomy of the face and the skull to spec- ulate about the origin of language. And prima- tologists have described the communication sy tems of monkeys and apes. We do know that well-developed, grammatically complex lan- guages have existed for thousands of years. Lin- guistic anthropology offers further illustration of anthropology's interest in comparison, varia= tíon, and change. Linguistic anthropology stud- les language in ¡ts social and cultural context, across space and over time, Some linguistic an- thropologists make inferences about universal features of language, linked perhaps to unifor- mities in the human brain. Others reconstruct ancient languages by comparing their contem- porary descendants and n so doing make dis- coveries about history. Still others study linguis- tic differences to discover varied perception and patterns of thought in different cultures. Historical linguistics considers variation in time, such as the changes in sounds, grammar, and vocabulary betyeen Middle English (spo- ken from approximately ap 1050 to 1550) and modern English. Sociolinguistics investigates relationships between social and linguistic varia- tion. No language is a homogencous system in which everyone speaks just like everyone else. How do different speakers use a given lan- guage? How do linguistic features correlate with social factors, including class and gender differ- ences (Tannen 1990)? One reason for variation is geography, as in regional dialects and accents. Linguistic variation is also expressed in the bilingualism of ethnic groups. Linguistic and cultural anthropologists collaborate in studying links between language and many other aspects of culture, such as how people reckon kinship and how they perceive and classify colors. Applied Anthropology Anthropology is not a science of the exotic carried on by quaínt scholars in | —— comparative, biocultural field with a lot to tell the public, Anthropology's foremost professional organization, the American Anthropological Association, has formally acknowl- edged a public service role by recognizing that an- thropology has two dimensions: (1) theoretical/ academic anthropology and (2) practicing or ap- plied anthropology. The latter refers to the applica- tion of anthropological data, perspectives, theory, and methods to identify, assess, and solve contem- porary social problems. More and more anttuopolo- gists from the four subficlds now work in such “applied” areas as public health, family planning, and economic development, Medical anthropology studies health «conditións from.a dross-cultoral perspective: in Uganda's Mwiri primary'school.:children: In its most general sense, applied-anthropol-- ogy includes any use of the“knowledge'and/or techniques of the" four subficids to:identify, as- sess, and solve practical problems. Because of anthropology's breadth, it has many applica- tions. For example, the growing field of medical anthropology considers the sociocultural context and implications of disease and illness. Percep- tions of good and bad health, along with actual health thrcats and problems, differ among cul- tures, Various societies and ethnic groups recog- nize different illnesses, symptoms, and causes and have developed different health-care sys- tems and treatment strategies. Medical anthro- pologists are both biological and cultural, and both theoretical and applied. Applied medical anthropologists, for example, have served as cultural interpreters in public health programs, vwhich must fit into local culture and be accepted by local people. Other applied antiwopologists work for in ternational development agencies, such as the World Bank and USAID (the United States Analiad Anebrmnnlome What Is Anthropology? 20 Choptera Anthropology also has strong links to the humanities, The humanities include English, comparative literature, classics, folkJore, plrilos- ophy, and the arts. These fields study lan- guages, texts, philosophics, arts, music, per- formances, and other forms of creative expression. Ethnomusicology, which studies forms of musical expression on a worldwide basis, is especially closely related to anthropol- ogy. Also linked is folklore, the systematic study of talos, myths, and legends from a vari- ety of cultures, One might well argue that an- thropology is among the most humanistic of all academic fields because of its fundamental respect for human diversity. Anthropologists listen to, record, and represent voices from a multitade of nations and cultures. Anthropol- ogy values local knowledge, diverse world- views, and alternative philosophies. Cultural and linguistic antropology in particular bring a comparative and nonelitist perspective to forms of creative expression, including lan- guage, art, narratives, music, and dance, viewed in their social and cultural context. Many anthropologists have studied the arts in cross-cultural perspective and in terms of the social contexts of artists and their works (sce the chapter on the arts). Besides ethnomusicology, folklore, and the comparative study of the arts, vohat arc other links betwecn anthropology and the humanitics? Interpretive anthropology (Geertz 1973, 1983) approaches cultures as texts vshose forms and, especially, meanings must be deciphered in particular cultural and historical contexts. Ethnohistory, yet another area of in- quiry within anthropology, is the study of peo- ple's accounts of their own histories. Einohis- torical rescarch may also draw on documents, including archacological materials, pertaining to that history. Etnohistorians, like historians, may interpret historical narratives as texts, pay- ing attention to their cultural meaning and the social context of their ercation. Cultural Anthropology and Sociology Cultural anthropology and sociology share an interest in social relations, organization, and behavior. However, important differences be- twween these disciplines arose from the Kinds of societies each traditionally studied. Initially so- ciologists focused on the industrial West; an- thropologists, on nonindustrial societies. Dif- ferent methods of data collection and analysis emerged to deal with those different kinds of societies. To study large-scale, complex nations, sociologists came to rely on questionnaires and other means of gathering masses of quantifi- able data. For many years, sampling and statis- tical techniques have been basic to sociology, whercas statistical training has been less com- mon in anthropology (although this is chang- ing as anthropologists increasingly work in modern nations) Traditional ethnographers studied small and nonliterate (without writing) populations and re- lied on méthods appropriate to that context, “Ethnography is a research process in which the anthropologist closcly observes, records, and en- gages in the daily life of another culture—an ex- porience labeled as the fieldwork method—and then writes accounts o this culture, emphasizing descriptive detail” (Marcus and Fischer 1986, p- 18). One key method described in this quote is participant observation— taking part in the events one is observing, describing, and analyzing. Interdisciplinary collaboration is a hallmark of academic life today, with ready borrowing of ideas and methods between disciplines (Geertz 1980). In many areas and topies, anthropology and sociology are converging. As the modern world system grows, sociologists do research in Third World countries and in other places that were once mainly within the anthropological orbit. As industrialization spreads, many an- thropologists work in industrial nations, where they study diverse topics, including rural de- cline, inner-city life, and the role of the mass media in creating national cultural pattems. An- tropologists and sociologísts also share an in- terest in issues of race, ethmicity, social class, gender, and power relations in modern nations, including the United States and Canada. Anthropology, Political Science, and Economics Political science and economics developed to in- vestigate particular domains of human behavior cbc isricoin rin Like sociologists, polítical scientists and econo- mists have tended to work mainiy in modern nations. Ín the small-scale societies where ethnography grew up, politics and economics usually don't stand out as distinct activities amenable to separate analysis, as they do ín a modern society. Rather, they are submerged, or embedded, in the general social order. Thus, ihere may be no distincily economic transactions or formal authority figuros. People work for and follow orders of their kin rather than formal leaders or bosses. Studying political organiza- tion cross-culturally, anthropologists have in- creased our knowledge of the range and variety of political and legal systems, Legal codes, along with ideas about crime and punishment, vary substantially from culture to culture. Also, an- thropologists have studied ways in which conflicts are expressed and resolved in different cultura! contexts, especially in societies without formal governments The subject matter of economics has been defined as economizing—the rational allocation of scarce means (resources) among alternative ends (uses). How docs one use limited resources wisely? What guides decisions about economic transactions? In the West, the goal of maximiz- ing profit—the profit motive—is assumed to guide economic decision making, However, an- thropologists know that motivations vary cross- culturally. Motives other than the desire for per- sonal gain guide at least some of the economic decisions that people make in different cultures (as well as within our own). Anthropologists have contributed to the comparative study of economics by showing that principles other than the profit motive propel the economy in other cultures. Through ethnography and cross- cultural comparison, the findings of economists and political scientists, usually based on re- search in Western nations, can be placed in a broader perspective. Anthropology and the Hamanities Traditionally, the humanitics focused on “high- brow” “fine arts,” knowledge of which was con- sidered basic to a "cultured” person. Anthropol- ogy has always extended the definition of “cultured” beyond the elitist meaning of culti- vated, sophisticated, college-educated, proper, and tasteful. For anthropologists, culture is not confined to elites or to any single social segment Everyone acquires culture through encultura: tion, the social process by which: culture is learned and transmitted across the generations. All ercative expressions, therefore, are of poten- tial interest-as cultural products and documents. Growing acceptance of this view has helped broaden the study of the humanities from fine art and elite art to popular and folk art and the creative expressions of the masses and of many cultures Anthropology has influenced and is being influenced by the humanitiesanother example of the interdisciplinary communication and col. laboration mentioned earlier. Current ap- Proaches in the humanities are shifting the focus more toward “lowbrow,” mass, and popular culture and local creative expressions (Jameson 1984, 1985). Another area of convergence be- tswcen anthropology and the humanitics is the view of cultural expressions as patterned texts (Geertz 1973; Ricocur 1971). Thus, “unwritten behavior, speech, beliefs, oral tradition, and rit- ual” (Clifford 1988, p. 39) are interpreted in rela- tion to their meaning within a particular cultural context, A final link between anthropology and the humanitics is the study of etinographic ac- counts as a form of writing (Clifford 1988; Mar- cus and Fischer 1986), Anthropology and Psychology Like sociologists and economists, most psychol- Ogists do research in their own society. Anthro- pology again contributes by providing cross- cultural data. Statements about “human” psychology cannot be based solely on observa- tións made in one society or in a single type of society. The area of cultural anthropology known as psychological anthropology studies cross-cultural variation in psychological traits. Margaret Mead (see “Interesting Issues” on the following page), in her many books (1928/1961, 1930), attempted to-show that-psychological traits-vary widely"among cultures. Societies in* still:difforenit values By Váining children differ- ently. Adult personalitiés reflect a culture!s child-rearing Practices: Anthropology and Other Academic Fields 21 Margaret Mead, Public Anthropologist Margaret Mead (1901-1978), the most famous anthropolo- gíst who evel lived, was for many years a tuli-time staff member at the American ir seum ot Natusal History in New York City. Mead also taught as an adjunat profes. sor at Columbia University. During her entire prof sional life, Mead was a public anthropologist. She wrote for social scientists, the educated public, and the popular pre: She had a column in Redbook and often appeared on The Tonight Show. Mead wrote several popular books abomt culture and personality (now usually called psychological anthropology). She was hea ly influenced by frane koas (1858-1942), her mentor at Columbia and a “father” of American anlhropology Mead eventually did ethnog raphy in the South Pacific, in. ciuding Samoa and New Guinea. From her first field work emerged the popular book Coming of Age in Samos embarked for Samoa with a research topic that Boas had suggested contrasts between female adolescence in Samoa and the United States. She OA shared Boas's assumption that different cultures train children and adolescents to have different porsonalities and behavior. Suspicious ot biologically determined uni versals, she assumed that Samoan adolescence would ditler from the same period in the United States and that this veoulel affect adult personality. Using her Samoan ethnographic find ings, Mead contrasted 1he apparent sexual freedom and experimentation there with the repression of ado- tescent sexuality in the United States Her findings supported the Boasian view that culture, not biology or race, determines variation in human behavior and personality. Derek Free- man (1983) has offered a se- vere critique of Mead's Samoan work. Freemares e tique in turn, has been críti- cized, (Brady 1983). Holmes (1987) attempts to offer a bal- anced view based on his own figid work in Samoa Mead's later field work among the Arapesh, Mun- dugumor, and Tchambuli of New Guinea resulted in Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies (1935/1950) That book documented varía- tion in male and female per- sonality traits and behavior across cultures. She offered it as further support for cultural determinism Mead's reputation rested on her adventurous spirit, tellect, insight, forceful per- sonality, writing ability, and productivity, along with the topics she chose to address, She made primitive life rele vant to her time and her owen society, Thus, Coming of Age in Samoa veas subtitied “A Psy- chological Study of Primitive Youth for Western Civiliza- tion” [emphasis added]. Grow. ing Up in New Guinea (1920) was subtitied "A Comparative Study of Primitive Education.” The public viewed Mar- garet Mead as a romantic, otic, and controversial figure. She lived an unorthodox life AS san early feminist, She mar- ried three times. Her last two husbands, Reo Fortune and jory Bateson, were amthro- pologists. She was a small, da ing, and de counts of Mead's life include her autobiography, Blackberry Winter (1972), and a biogra- phy by her only daughte Mary Catherine Bateson (1984) Mead's clear, forceful, and vivid weriting captures promi- nent themes of the Depression era. Her books fueled a revolu- Hholds tuvo samples of Maris ari brought buck fr Y omo visit to Ho Manus ef ho Admrivalty Islands. Mead otped antleropology four vesitg Her research ju the Sonls Sen stands ns lessons in alternative life styles. tion in the discussion of human sexuality spurred by Freudian psychology. The pr occupations uf Depression-era society included issues that Americans still discuss: family “New Woman,” hirth control, an increosing divorce rate, and extramarital affairs. Anthro- pology flourished as South Sea istands offered lessons in ro- mance, sexuality, and alterna- tive life styles. “Free low Samos and the Trobriand Is- lands (es described by Bronil taw Malinowski [1927, 19296)) provided models tor a new sexual order (Stocking 1986). The Utility of Hand and Foot Bones for Problems in Biological Anthropology Background Information Studien Alicia Wilbur Supervising Professor: — Della Collins Cook School: Indiana University Year in school/Major: — Junior and Senior/Anthropology TS Ph.D. il Project Title: How does this account sug- gest common problems of interest to more than one subfield of anthropology? Does the research have impli- cations for cultural and ap- plied anthropology as well as for biological and archaeo- logical anthropology? The large, well-preserved skeletal series from west- central linois, housed ín the Department of Anthropol- o9y at indiana University, has been the focus of many ar- chaeological and bioanthro- pological research projects lological Anthropology over the years. ! became in- terested in the use of hand and foot bones to determine the stature and sex of the in- dividuals buried in those mounds. This information is important for both archaeo- logical and biological studies of past peoples and their cul- tures, but is also relevant to modern forensic and mass disaster situations, In both archaeological and modern situations, the human re- mains recovered may he ex tremely fragmentary. A sín- gle hand or foot can play an The Utility of Hand and Foot Bones tor Problems in Bioanthropology important role in identifying modern victims of crime or mass disasters. Most equations used for estimating adult stature or de- termining sex from skeletal material are constructed from data on modern Europeans or modern Americans of Euro- pean or African extraction. Be- cause body proportions differ between populations, applying these equations to skeletal re- mains of other groups may give inaccurate results. A bene- fit of my study was that it was constructed on Native Ameri- can remains and thus could be used for modem Native Ameri- ans remains in forensic cases or mass disasters. i measured femurs (the thigh bone) and hand and foot bones for 410 adult skete: tons and used statistical meth- ods to predict 1he sex of the individuals, with accuracies ex ceeding 87 percent. Stature es- timation was also found to be possible with hand and foot bones, although the range given was too large to be use- Ful in a court of law. Still, esti mates resulting from these equations may bo useful for delimiting a range of possible heights tor preliminary identi- tication purposes. The project was published in the International Journal of Osteoarchacology in 1998, While running statistical analy- ses on the hand and foot data, | noticed a discrepancy in the body proportions af one fe- male adult. Upon caretully ex- amining the rest of her skele- ton, | discovered a suite of skeletal anomalies that sug- gost a rare genetic syndrome called Rubinstein-Taybi Syn- drome that atfects organs. Symptoms layed growth, mental retarda- tion, and abnormalities of the head and face, including widely spaced eyes and an ab- normaily large nose. Affected individuals may also have ab- normally large big toes and thumbs. There may also be breathing and swallowing difficulties. It may yet prove possible to analyze DNA from this sam- ple to determine ¡f my diagno- sis ls correct. 'f so, it would be the earliest known case of this syndrome. Knowing that this individual lived to mid- to late-adulthood with several physical and mental disabili- ties tells us something about her culture, These types of studies on skeletal material are important tor the information they give us about the past and also for their relevance to modern problems. Future research will focus on genetic and intel us diseases that beset an- cient peoples as vell as appli- cation ol this work to madera problems. Jl Tn the Field 34 Chapterz -Antiropology differs fronwother fields that study ¿human beings because it is. comparative, holistie, and global. Anthropologists study biology, lan- guage, and culture, past and present, in ancient and modern societies. This chapter compares the field methods of anthropology, especially those of cultural anthropology, with those of the other social sciences. Also considered are the ethical dimensions of anthropological research. Anthropology started to separate from soci- ology around the tum of the 20th century. Early students of society, such as the French scholar Émile Durkheim, were among the fóundeis'of both sociology and anthropology. Theorizing about the organization of simple and complex societies, Durkheim drew on writtch accoints- of the religions-of Native Australia (Durkheim 1912/1961) as well as considering triass phe- riómena (Such as suicide rates) in modern na- tions (Durkheim 1897/1951). Eventually antlro- pology would specialize in the former, Sociology in the latter. Ethnography Anthropology developed into a separate field ás early scholars worked on Hidian (Native Ameri- can) reservations and traveled to distant lands to study small groups of foragers and cultivators. This type of firsthand personal study of local settings is called ethmograpky.“Traditionally, the process of becoming a cultural antbrapologist has required a field experience in another soci- ety. Early ethnographers lived in small-scale, relatively isolated societies, with simple tech- nologies and economies. Ethnography thus emerged'as á research strategy in societies with greater cultural anifót, mity and less social differeñitiatión than aré found in large, modern; indúsirial natioñs. Ja such nonindustrial settings, etinographers have needed to consider fewer paths of enculturation to understand social life. Traditionally, ethnog- taphers have tried to understand the whole of an alien culture (or, more realistically, as much as they can, given limitations of time and per- ception). To pursue this holistic goal, etinogra- phers adopt a free-ranging strategy for gather- ing information. They move from setting to - setting, place to place, and subject to subject to discover the totality and interconnectedness of social life, Ettnography, by expanding our knowledge of the range of human diversity, provides a foundation for generalizations about human be- havior and social life. Etnographers draw on a variety of techniques to piece together a picture of otherwise alien life styles. Anthropologists usually employ several (but rarely all) of the techniques discussed here. Ethnographic : Techniques The chraracteristic field techoríques of the ethnogra- pher include the following: 1. Direct, firsthand observation of daily behavior, including participant observatior, 2. Conversation with varying degrees of formality, from the daily chitehat that helps maintain rapport and provides knowledge about what is going on to prolonged intervieros, which can be unstructured or structured. Formal, printed interviezo schedules or questionuaires may be used to ensure that complete, comparable information is available for everyone of interest to the study. The gencalogical method. Detailed work with key consudltants about particular areas of community life, > el In-depth interviewing, often leading to the collection of life histories of particular people (narrators). Discovery of local belitís and perceptions, shich may be compared with the ethnographer's own observations and conclusions. Problem-oriented research of many sorts. . Longitudinal rescarch—the continuous long- term study of an arca or site. > 2 E Team research—coordinated research by multiple ethnographers. Observation and Participant Observation Etinographérs get to know their hosts ahd-usu- ally take an interest in the totality Of thicir lives. Ethnographers must pay attention to hundreds of details of daily life, scasonal events, and un- usual happenings. They must observe individ- nal and collective behavior in varied settings. They should record what they see as they see it Things will never seem quite as strange as they do during the first few days and weeks in the field. The ethnographer eventually gets used to, and accepts as normal, cultural patterns that were initially alien, Ethnographers typically spend more than a year in the field. This permits them to observe th? entire annual cycle. Staying a bit more than a year allows the elmographer to repeat the seasón of his or her arrival, when certain events and processes may have been missed because of initial unfamiliarity and eul- ture shock Many etimographers record their impre; sions'in a personal diary, which is kept separate from more formal field notes. Later, this record of early impressions will help point out some of the most basic aspects of cultural diversity. Such aspects include distinctive smells, noises people make, how they cover their months when they eat, and how they gaze at others. These patterns, which are so basic as lo seem almost trivial, are partrof what Bronislaw Malinowski called “the impónderabilia of native life and'of typical be- haviór” (Malinowski 1922/1961, p. 20). These features of culture are so fundamental that local people take them for granted. They are too basic even to talk about, but the unaceustomed eye of the fledgling anthropologist picks them up. Thereafter, becoming familiar, they fade to the edge of consciousness. Initial impressions are valuable and should be recorded. First and fore- most, etlnographers should be accurate ob- servers, recorders, and reporters of what they see in the field: Ñ Ethnographers don't study animals in labo- ratory cages. The experiments that psychologísts do with pigeons, chickens, guinea pigs, and rats are very different from etinographic procedure. Anthropologists don't systematically control subjects' rewards and punishments or their ex- posure to certain stimuli. Our subjects are not spcechless animals but human beings. It is not part of etimographic procedure to manipulate theva, control their environments, or experimen- tally induce certain behaviors Ethnographers strive to establish -rappori—a good, friendly workiñg:Felationship Based on personal contact—withi"our*hosts. One of etimography's most characteristic procedures is participant observation, which means that we take part in community life aswwe study it. As human beings living among others, we cannot be totally Erhnographtc Techniques 35 In she Field 38 Chaptera Kinship and descent are vital social building blocks in nonindustria! cultures. Without writing, geneatogical information may be preserved in material culture, such as this + totem pole being raised in Metlakatla, Alaska. What do you think ls the significance:* 'oftfie.images on the totem pole? : be both quantitative and qualitative. Tlié qúanti- tativepart donsisted of the Basic information we gathered añd later arialyzed statistically, The djitalitative dimension caíhe from our follow-ip questions, open-ended discussions, pauses for gossip, and work with key consultants. The Genealogical Method As ordinary people, many of us learn about our own ancestry and relatives by tracing our genealogies il Computer programs such as Brother's Keeper allow ws to trace our “family tree” and degrees of relationship. The geñicalogical method ás a well-established etimographic lechnique. Early ethnographers developed notation and symbols (see the chap- ter on “Kinship and Descent”) to deal with kin- ship, descont, and marriage. Gencalogy-is-a prominent building blockán the social organiza- Hon vfnonindustrial societies; where people live and work each day with their close kiñ. Anthro- pologists need to collect genealogical data to un- derstand current social relations and to recon- struct history. Tn many nonindustrial societies, kin links are basic to social life, Anthropologists even call such cultures “kin-based societies.” Everyone is related to each other and spends most of his or her lime with relatives. Rules of behavior attached to particular kin relations are basic to everyday life. Marriage is also crucial in organizing nonindustria) societies because slrategic márriagos between villages,tribes, and clans create politica) alliances: Key Cultural Consultants Every community has people who by accident, experience, talent, or tfnining can provide the most complete or useful information about par- ticular aspects of life. These people are key cul- turál consultante: In Ivato, the Betsileo village where 1 spent most of my time, a man named Rakoto was particularly knowledgeable about village history. Hotwever, when T asked him to work twith me on a: genealogy of lhe 50 to 60 people buried in the village tomb, he called in his cousin Tuesdaysfather, who knew more about this subject. Tuesdaysfather had survived an epídemic of influenza that ravaged Madagas- car, along with much of the world, around 1919. Iminune to the disease himself, Tuesdaysfather had the grim job of burying his kin as they died. He kept track of everyone buried in the tomb, Tuesdaysfather helped me wíth the tomb ge- coi nealogy. Rakoto joined him in telling me personal details about the deceased villagers. Life Histories In nonindustrial societies as in our own, individual personali- ties, interests, and abilities vary. Some villagers prove to be more interested in the ethnographer's work and are more helpful, interesting, and pleasant than others. Anthro- pologists develop likes and dislikes in the field as we do at home, Often, when we find someone unusually interest- ing, we collect his or her life history. This recol- lection of a lifetime of experiences provides a more intimate and personal cultural portrait than would be possible otherwise, Life histories, which may be recorded or videotaped for later review and analysis, reveal how specific people perceíve, react to, and contribute to changes that afíect their lives, Such accounts can ¡llustrate di- versity, which exists within any community, since the focus is on how different people inter- pret and deal with some of the same problems. Local Beliefs and Perceptions, and the Ethnographer's One goal of etnography is to discover local views; beliefs,'and perceptions, which may be compáted with the etinographer's own obser- vations:and conclusions. ln the field, etnogra- phers typically combine two rescarch strategies, the emic (Jocal-oriented) and the etic (scientist- oriented): These terms, derived from linguistics, have been applied to etinography by various anthropologists. Marvin Barris (1968) has popu- larized the following meanings of the terms, An emic.approach investigates how local people think, How do they perceive and categorize lhe world? What aré their rules for behavior? What has meaning for them? How do they imagine and explain things? Operating emically, the etiniográphier'seeks the “local viewpoint” (see “Interesting Issues"), relying on local people to explain things and to say whether something is significant or not. The term cultural «consultant refers to individuals-the ethnographer: gets to Etbnosraphes iypically enter theáficid with a Specificiopicto investi | ¿researeh methods. know in the ficld, the people who teach him or her about their culture, who provide the emic perspective, The etic (scientist-oriented) approach shifts the focus from local calegories, expressions; ex- planations, and interpretations to thost of the anthropologisl. The etic approach realizes that members of a culture are often too involved in what they are doing to interpret their culfárés impartially. Operating etically, the ettmographer emphasizos what he or she (the abserver) no- tices and considers important, As a trained sci- entist, the ethnographer should lry to bring'an abjective and comprehensive viewpoint to Ihe study of other cultures. Of course, the etinogra- pher, like any ather scientist, is also a haman being with cultural blinders that prevent com- plete objectivity. As in other sciences, proper training can reduce, but not totally eliminato, the observer's bias. But anthropologists do have special training to compare behavior between different societies. What are some examples of emic versus etic perspectives? Consider our holidays. For North Americans, Thanksgiving Day has special signi icance. Ín our view (emically), it is a unique cul- tural celebration that commemorates particular histarical themes. But a wider, etic, perspective El $ E El El 39 The Evolution of Ethnography The Polish anthropologíst Bronistaw Malinowski (1884 1942), who spent most of his professiona! life in England, is generally considered the father of ethnography. Like most anthropologists of hi time, Malinowski did salvage ethnography, in the belief that the ethnographer's job is to study and record cultural diversity threatened by west- ernization. Early ethno- graphic accounts (ethnogra- phies), such as Malinowski's classic Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922/1961), were similar to earlier trav- eler and explorer accounts in describing the writer's discov- ery of unknown people and places. However, the scien- tífic aims of ethnographies set thern apart from books by explorers and amateurs, The style that dominated “classic” ethnographies was ethnographic realism. The writer's goal was to present an accurate, objective, scien» tific account of a different way of life, written by some- one who knew it firsthand. This knowledge came from an “ethnographic adventure” involving immersion ín an alien language and culture. Ethnographers derived their authority—both as scientists and as voices of "the native” or "the other” from this personal research experience. Malinowski's ethnogra- phies were guided by the assumption that aspects of culture ase linked and inter- twined. Beginning by describ- ing a Trobriand saíling expe- dition, the ethnographer then follows the links be- tween that entry point and other areas of the culture, such as magic, religion, myths, kinship, and trade. Compared with Malinowski, today's ethnographies tend to be less inclusive and hol tic, focusing on particular topics, such as kinship or reli- gion. According to Mafinowski, a primary task of the ethnog- rapber is "to grasp the na tive's point of view, his rela- tion to life, to realize his vision of his world” (1922/1961, p.25—Malí= nowski's italics). This is a good statement of the need tor the emic perspective, as was discussed earlier. Since the 19705, interpretive an- thropology has considered the task of describing and in- terpreting that which is meaningful to natives. inter pretivists such as Clifford Geertz (1973) view cultures as meaningíul texts that natives constantly "read" and ethno- graphers must decipher. Ac-