Docsity
Docsity

Prepara tus exámenes
Prepara tus exámenes

Prepara tus exámenes y mejora tus resultados gracias a la gran cantidad de recursos disponibles en Docsity


Consigue puntos base para descargar
Consigue puntos base para descargar

Gana puntos ayudando a otros estudiantes o consíguelos activando un Plan Premium


Orientación Universidad
Orientación Universidad


Práctica de inglés alto, Apuntes de Filología Inglesa

Inglés ejercicios prácticos de todo tipo. Examen modelo oposiciones

Tipo: Apuntes

2023/2024

Subido el 19/11/2024

nadia-eq
nadia-eq 🇪🇸

2 documentos

1 / 4

Toggle sidebar

Esta página no es visible en la vista previa

¡No te pierdas las partes importantes!

bg1
OPOSICIÓNS SECUNDARIA INGLÉS – SANTIAGO 2018
PRIMEIRA PROBA
NOME ...................................................................................................... DATE .....................................................
PARTE A – OPCIÓN B – EXERCICIO 1
One hundred and sixty years ago, the first transatlantic telegram traveled from Britain to the US along a
rickety undersea wire. It consisted of 21 words – and took seventeen hours to arrive.
Today, the same trip takes as little as 60 milliseconds. A dense mesh of fiber-optic cables girdles the world,
pumping vast quantities of information across the planet. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates that 543
terabits of data are flowing across borders every second. That’s the equivalent of roughly 13 million copies
of the complete works of Shakespeare.
Other things have also changed. So has its economic significance. Telegrams were useful for
businessmen. But data is nothing less than the lifeblood of global capitalism.
The flow of data now contributes more to world GDP than the flow of physical goods. In other words, there’s
more money in moving information across borders than in moving soybeans and refrigerators.
This is a big shift and one that has yet to fully sink in for most people. Corporate America, on the other
hand, understands it well. Which is why the tech and financial industries are pushing hard for international
agreements that prohibit governments from regulating these flows. The most recent example is Nafta:
representatives from the US, Mexico, and Canada just concluded another round of talks on renegotiating
the treaty. American companies are lobbying for changes that would deregulate data across the three
countries.
The corporate crusade against data governance is only getting started. If it succeeds, the world’s most
important resource will be entrusted to the private sector and the profit motive, and the rest of us will have
even less power to participate in the decisions that most affect our lives.
Over the past year, a growing number of people have come to realize that data has a dark side. The
information revolution has turned out to be something less than total liberation. The digital sphere is not
intrinsically democratic; rather, what matters is who owns it and how it’s organized.
The digitization of everything has made this abundantly clear. As more of our lives are made into data, the
companies that control that data have grown rich and powerful. It’s not merely that they know so much
about us, from our favorite type of toilet paper to our favorite type of porn. It’s that they use what they know
to inform algorithmic decisions that have a significant impact on society as a whole –decisions like what
kind of news (if any) we consume, or how long we go to prison.
But the stakes are even higher. The emphasis on personal data has obscured the fact that data is not just
personal – it’s commercial, industrial, financial. The reason that corporations are so concerned about who
controls the packets that flow through the world’s fiber-optic cables is because a vast array of profit-making
activities now depends on them.
The global circulation of data, then, is really about the global circulation of capital. And it has enormous
consequences for the global organization of wealth and work.
Data flows enable employers in higher-wage countries to outsource more tasks to workers in lower-wage
countries. They help firms coordinate complex supply chains that push manufacturing jobs to the places
with the cheapest labor costs. They empower a handful of big companies to dominate markets and
monopolize digital infrastructure all over the world.
For these reasons, countries may want to make rules about how information travels across their borders.
But corporate America disagrees. Such laws would amount to digital protectionism an irrational
regression to a more bordered world. Innovation, efficiency, and prosperity would suffer.
pf3
pf4

Vista previa parcial del texto

¡Descarga Práctica de inglés alto y más Apuntes en PDF de Filología Inglesa solo en Docsity!

PRIMEIRA PROBA

NOME ...................................................................................................... DATE .....................................................

PARTE A – OPCIÓN B – EXERCICIO 1

One hundred and sixty years ago, the first transatlantic telegram traveled from Britain to the US along a rickety undersea wire. It consisted of 21 words – and took seventeen hours to arrive. Today, the same trip takes as little as 60 milliseconds. A dense mesh of fiber-optic cables girdles the world, pumping vast quantities of information across the planet. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates that 543 terabits of data are flowing across borders every second. That’s the equivalent of roughly 13 million copies of the complete works of Shakespeare. Other things have also changed. So has its economic significance. Telegrams were useful for businessmen. But data is nothing less than the lifeblood of global capitalism. The flow of data now contributes more to world GDP than the flow of physical goods. In other words, there’s more money in moving information across borders than in moving soybeans and refrigerators. This is a big shift – and one that has yet to fully sink in for most people. Corporate America, on the other hand, understands it well. Which is why the tech and financial industries are pushing hard for international agreements that prohibit governments from regulating these flows. The most recent example is Nafta: representatives from the US, Mexico, and Canada just concluded another round of talks on renegotiating the treaty. American companies are lobbying for changes that would deregulate data across the three countries. The corporate crusade against data governance is only getting started. If it succeeds, the world’s most important resource will be entrusted to the private sector and the profit motive, and the rest of us will have even less power to participate in the decisions that most affect our lives. Over the past year, a growing number of people have come to realize that data has a dark side. The information revolution has turned out to be something less than total liberation. The digital sphere is not intrinsically democratic; rather, what matters is who owns it and how it’s organized. The digitization of everything has made this abundantly clear. As more of our lives are made into data, the companies that control that data have grown rich and powerful. It’s not merely that they know so much about us, from our favorite type of toilet paper to our favorite type of porn. It’s that they use what they know to inform algorithmic decisions that have a significant impact on society as a whole –decisions like what kind of news (if any) we consume, or how long we go to prison. But the stakes are even higher. The emphasis on personal data has obscured the fact that data is not just personal – it’s commercial, industrial, financial. The reason that corporations are so concerned about who controls the packets that flow through the world’s fiber-optic cables is because a vast array of profit-making activities now depends on them. The global circulation of data, then, is really about the global circulation of capital. And it has enormous consequences for the global organization of wealth and work. Data flows enable employers in higher-wage countries to outsource more tasks to workers in lower-wage countries. They help firms coordinate complex supply chains that push manufacturing jobs to the places with the cheapest labor costs. They empower a handful of big companies to dominate markets and monopolize digital infrastructure all over the world. For these reasons, countries may want to make rules about how information travels across their borders. But corporate America disagrees. Such laws would amount to “digital protectionism” – an irrational regression to a more bordered world. Innovation, efficiency, and prosperity would suffer.

So corporations are demanding international agreements that lock in the total liberalization of data flows. The Internet Association, a major lobby that represents Google, Facebook, and other tech giants, is one of the industry groups leading the effort to “modernize” Nafta by making it the gold standard for data deregulation. According to the Internet Association, governments should be prohibited from requiring that certain kinds of data, such as sensitive personal information, be stored or processed in the country where it’s acquired. They should be banned from treating platforms like Facebook and Google as publishers and holding them responsible for the content that appears on their sites. They should be forbidden from requiring companies to disclose the secrets of their algorithms, such as the all-powerful Facebook News Feed. They should be prevented from regulating online services as public utilities, or imposing tariffs on digital trade. The audacity of these demands is impressive. At a time of rising public concern about the power wielded by tech companies, those same companies want to sharply constrain our capacity to govern data in the public interest. Of course, data governance isn’t always in the public interest. It often serves a different purpose: to protect a ruling regime. China, for instance, restricts data flows in order to help the government control the information available to its citizens and watch them more closely. The Chinese regulations aren’t just about repression, however – they also play a valuable economic role. By building a fence around the Chinese internet, the government has nurtured a homegrown tech industry, in much the same way that restricting imports of manufactured goods can nurture a homegrown manufacturing industry. It’s hard to imagine that China would have a booming local tech sector, centered on big firms like Baidu, Alibaba, and Tencent, without such measures. The Chinese example is a useful one, because it shows that the main justification for data liberalization – that it will enrich the world as a whole – is false. For decades, the US has been lecturing developing countries on the importance of free trade and free markets. Yet, as the economist Ha-Joon Chang has explained, nearly all of today’s rich countries became rich by doing the exact opposite: they used tariffs, subsidies, and other protectionist policies to promote their own industries. Indeed, for nearly a century, the US was the most protectionist country in the world. This isn’t to say that everyone can follow the Chinese model. Yet regulating data flows for the purposes of economic development is certainly a legitimate use of state power. And it represents just one of many reasons that governments may want to actually govern data, rather than surrendering it to investors. Letting capital run wild across the globe hasn’t exactly produced the best of all possible worlds. It’s strange to think that letting data do the same would yield a different result. @bentarnoff , the Guardian , 2018

1. Write a summary of this text. Write no more 80 words. (1p)

5. Complete the second sentence so that it has a similar meaning to the frst sentence, using the word given. Do not change the word given. You must use between three and eight words, including the word given. (1p) There are complex supply chains that push manufacturing jobs to the places with the cheapest labor costs. ENABLE Complex supply chains ………………………………………………………………..…………………………………… to receive manufacturing jobs. The Chinese regulatons aren’t just about repression. ESSENTIAL Repression ………………………………………………………………..…………………………………… in China. It’s hard to imagine that China would have a booming local tech sector. WET Most people would think that ………………………………………………………………..…………………………………… the ears. Governments should be prohibited from requiring that certain kinds of data, such as sensitve personal informaton be stored. HINDERING Lack of official regulatons ……………………………………………………..…………………………………… sensitve personal informaton. By building a fence around the Chinese internet, the government has nurtured a homegrown tech industry. EXCLUDED The fence built around the Chinese internet …………………………………………………..…………………………………… so as to protect their homegrown tech industry. 6. Provide a word or phrase from the text for each of the following defnitions. (1p) a. method or system of management at the highest level b. fuel, soul, core, essental or vital part of something c. likely to fall or collapse, shaky d. remove controls, rules or requirements e. obtain by contract from an outside supplier f. likelihood or chances g. cared for and protected while growing h. supply, provide or produce something positve i. belonging locally j. held and used 7. PHONETIC TRANSCRIPTION. Write the phonetic transcription of the following fragment from the text: (1p; -c0.1p each mistake) Over the past year, a growing number of people have come to realize that data has a dark side. The informaton revoluton has turned out to be something less than total liberaton. The digital sphere is not intrinsically democratcc rather, what maters is who owns it and how it’s organized.

PARTE A – OPCIÓN B – EXERCICIO 2

Write about this topic (maximum 300 words) -c It's not you. It's your data! (maximum 300 words) (3 points)