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46 SURVEY 6 Speech acts and events In attempting to express themselves, people do not only produce utterances containing grammatical structures and words, they perform actions via those utterances. If you work in a situation where a boss has a great deal of power, then the boss's utterance of the expression in [1] is more than just a statement. [1] Yowre fired. The utterance in [1] can be used to perform the act of ending your employment. However, the actions performed by utterances do not have to be as dramatic or as unpleasant as in [1]. The action can be quite pleasant, as in the compliment performed by [2a.], the acknowledgement of thanks in [2b.], or the expression of sur- prise in [2c.]. [2] a. Youw'reso delicious. b. Yowre welcome. c. Yow're crazy! Actions performed via utterances are generally called speech acts and, in English, are commonly given more specific labels, such as apology, complaint, compliment, invitation, promise, or request. These descriptive terms for different kinds of speech acts apply to the speaker's communicative intention in producing an utter- ance. The speaker normally expects that his or her communica- tive intentión will be recognized by the hearer. Both speaker and hearer are usually helped in this process by the circumstances surrounding the utterance. These circumstances, including other Utterances, are called the speech event. In many ways, it is the SPEECH ACTS AND EVENTS 47 48 nature of the speech event that determines the interpretation ofan utterance as performing a particular speech act. On a wintry day, the speaker reaches for a cup of tea, believing that it has been freshly made, takes a sip, and produces the utterance in [3]. lt is likely to be interpreted as a complaint. [3] This tea is really cold! Changing the circumstances to a really hot summer's day with the speaker being given a glass of iced tea by the hearer, taking a sip and producing the utterance in [3], it is likely to be interpreted as praise. If the same utterance can be interpreted as two different kinds of speech act, then obviously no simple one utterance to one action correspondence will be possible. It also means that there is more to the interpretation of a speech act than can be found in the utterance alone. Speech acts On any occasion, the action performed by producing an utterance will consist of three related acts. There is first a locutionary act, which is the basic act of utterance, or producing a meaningful lin- guistic expression. If you have difficulty with actually forming the sounds and words to create a meaningful utterance in a language (for example, because it's foreign or you're tongue-tied), then you might fail to produce a locutionary act. Producing *Aha mokofa” in English will not normally count as a locutionary act, whereas [4] will. L4] Pve just made some coffee. Mostly we don't just produce well-formed utterances with no purpose. We form an utterance with some kind of function in mind. This is the second dimension, or the illocutionary act. The illocutionary act is performed via the communicative force of an utterance. We might utter [4] to make a statement, an offer, an explanation, or for some other communicative purpose. This is also generally known as the illocutionary force of the utterance. We do not, of course, simply create an utterance with a func- tion without intending it to have an effect. This is the third dimen- sion, the perlocutionary act. Depending on the circumstances, you SURVEY will utter [4] on the assumption that the hearer will recognize the effect you intended (for example, to account for a wonderful smell, or to get the hearer to drink some coffee). This is also gener- ally known as the perlocutionary effect. Of these three dimensions, the most discussed is illocutionary force. Indeed, the term “speech act” is generally interpreted quite narrowly to mean only the illocutionary force of an utterance. The illocutionary force of an utterance is what it “counts as”. The same locutionary act, as shown in [5a.], can count as a prediction [5b.], a promise [5c.], or a warning [5d.]. These different analyses [5b.-d.] of the utterance in [5a.] represent different illocutionary forces. [5] a. PlIsee you later. (= A) b. [I predict that] A. c. [Tpromise you that] A. d. [Iwarn you that] A. One problem with the examples in [5] is that the same utterance can potentially have quite different illocutionary forces (for ex- ample, promise versus warning). How can speakers assume that the intended illocutionary force will be recognized by the hearer? That question has been addressed by considering two things: Illocutionary Force Indicating Devices and felicity conditions. IFIDs The most obvious device for indicating the illocutionary force (the Iocutionary Force Indicating Device, or IFID) is an expression of the type shown in [6] where there is a slot for a verb that explicitly names the illocutionary act being performed. Such a verb can be called a performative verb (Vp). [6] 1(Vp) you that... In the preceding examples, [5c.,d.], “promise” and “warn” would be the performative verbs and, if stated, would be very clear IFIDs. Speakers do not always “perform' their speech acts so explicitly, but they sometimes describe the speech act being per- formed. Imagine the telephone conversation in [7], between a Man trying to contact Mary, and Mary's friend. SPEECH ACTS AND EVENTS 49 52 [12] a. The work was done by Elaine and myself. b. T hereby tell you that the work was done by Elaine and myself. Examples like [11b.] and [12b.] (normally without hereby”), are used by speakers as explicit performatives. Examples like [11a.] and [12a.] are implicit performatives, sometimes called primary performatives. The advantage of this type of analysis is that it makes clear just what elements are involved in the production and interpretation of utterances. In syntax, a reflexive pronoun (like myself in [12]) requires the occurrence of an antecedent (in this case T) within the same sentence structure. The explicit performative in [12b.] provides the P element. Similarly, when you say to someone, Do it yourself?”, the reflexive in “yourself is made possible by the antecedent “you” in the explicit version (T order you that you do it yourself”). Another advantage is to show that some adverbs such as honestly”, or adverbial clauses such as “because I may be late”, as shown in [13], naturally attach to the explicit performative clause rather than the implicit version. [13] a. Honestly, he's a scoundrel. b. What time is it, because I may be late? In [13a.], itis the telling part (the performative verb) that is being done “honestly” and, in [13b.], it is the act of asking (the perform- ative again) that is being justified by the “because 1 may be late” clause. There are some technical disadvantages to the performative hypothesis. For example, uttering the explicit performative ver- sion of a command [11b.] has a much more serious impact than uttering the implicit version [11a.]. The two versions are con- sequently not equivalent. It is also difficult to know exactly what the performative verb (or verbs) might be for some utterances. Although the speaker and hearer might recognize the utterance in [x4a.] as an insult, it would be very strange to have [14b.] as an explicit version. [14] a. Yow're dumber than a rock. b. ?T hereby insult you that yow're dumber than a rock. The really practical problem with any analysis based on identi- SURVEY fying explicit performatives is that, in principle, we simply do not know how many performative verbs there are in any language. Instead of trying to list all the possible explicit performatives, and then distinguish among all of them, some more general classifications of types of speech acts are usually used. Speech act classification One general classification system lists five types of general func- tions performed by speech acts: declarations, representatives, expressives, directives, and commissives. Declarations are those kinds of speech acts that change the world via their utterance. As the examples in [15] illustrate, the speaker has to have a special institutional role, in a specific con- text, in order to perform a declaration appropriately. [15] a. Priest: I now pronounce you husband and wife. b. Referee: You're out! <. Jury Foreman: We find the defendant guilty. In using a declaration, the speaker changes the world via words. Representatives are those kinds of speech acts that state what the speaker believes to be the case or not. Statements of fact, assertions, conclusions, and descriptions, as illustrated in [16), are all examples of the speaker representing the world as he or she believes it is. [16] a. The earth is flat. b. Chomsky didn't write about peanuts. c. Itwasa warm sunny day. In using a representative, the speaker makes words fit the world (of belief). Expressives are those kinds of speech acts that state what the speaker feels. They express psychological states and can be state- ments of pleasure, pain, likes, dislikes, joy, or sorrow. As illus- trated in [17], they can be caused by something the speaker does or the hearer does, but they are about the speaker's experience. [17] a. Pm really sorry! b. Congratulations! c. Oh, yes, great, mmmm, ssahh! SPEECH ACTS AND EVENTS 53 54 In using an expressive, the speaker makes words fit the world (of feeling). Directives are those kinds of speech acts that speakers use to get someone else to do something. They express what the speaker wants. They are commands, orders, requests, suggestions, and, as illustrated in [18], they can be positive or negative. [18] a. Gimme a cup of coffee. Make it black. b. Could you lend me a pen, please? c. Don't touch that. In using a directive, the speaker attempts to make the world fit the words (via the hearer). Commissives are those kinds of speech acts that speakers use to commit themselves to some future action. They express what the speaker intends. They are promises, threats, refusals, pledges, and, as shown in [19], they can be performed by the speaker alone, or by the speaker as a member ofa group. [x9] a. Pl be back. b. Pm going to get it right next time. c. We will not do that. In using a commissive, the speaker undertakes to make the world fit the words (via the speaker). These five general functions of speech acts, with their key fea- tures, are summarized in Table 6.1. Direct and indirect speech acts A different approach to distinguishing types of speech acts can be made on the basis of structure. A fairly simple structural distinction between three general types of speech acts is provided, in English, by the three basic sentence types. As shown in [20], there is an easily recognized relationship between the three structural forms (declarative, interrogative, imperative) and the three general communicative functions (statement, question, command/request). [20] a. You wear a seat belt. b. Do you wear a seat belt? c. Wear a seat belt! (declarative) (interrogative) (imperative) Whenever there is a direct relationship between a structure and a SURVEY Speech acttype Direction of fit S = speaker; X = situation words change the world Declarations S causes X Representatives make words fit the world S believes X Expressives make words fit the world S feels X Directives make the world fit words S wants X Commissives make the world fit words Sintends X TABLE 6.1 The five general functions of speech acts (following Searle 1979) function, we have a direct speech act. Whenever there is an in- direct relationship between a structure and a function, we have an indirect speech act. Thus, a declarative used to make a statement is a direct speech act, but a declarative used to make a request is an indirect speech act. As illustrated in [21], the utterance in [21a.] is a declarative. When itis used to make a statement, as paraphrased in [21b.], itis functioning as a direct speech act. When it is used to make a command/request, as paraphrased in [21c.], it is function- ing as an indirect speech act. [21] a. Tes cold outside. b. Thereby tell you about the weather. c. Thereby request of you that you close the door. Different structures can be used to accomplish the same basic function, as in [22], where the speaker wants the addre: not to stand in front of the TV. The basic function of all the utterances in [22] is a command/request, but only the imperative structure in [22a.] represents a direct speech act. The interrogative structure in [22b.] is not being used only as a question, hence it is an in- direct speech act. The declarative structures in [22c.] and |22d.] are also indirect requests. [22] a. Move out of the way! b. Do you have to stand in front of the TV? c. You're standing in front of the TV. d. Yow'd make a better door than a window. One of the most common types of indirect speech act in English, as shown in [23], has the form of an interrogative, but is SPEECH ACTS AND EVENTS 55 58 “pre-request, allowing the receiver to say that she's busy or that she has to be somewhere else. In this context, the response “Sure” is taken to be an acknowledgement not only of having time avail- able, but a willingness to perform the unstated action. The ana- lysis of speech events is clearly another way of studying how more gets communicated than is said. The usefulness of speech act analysis is in illustrating the kinds of things we can do with words and identifying some of the con- ventional utterance forms we use to perform specific actions. However, we do need to look at more extended interaction to understand how those actions are carried out and interpreted within speech events. SURVEY 
