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Optimal Currency Areas: An Analysis of Inflation, Trade, and Currency Unions, Apuntes de Administración de Empresas

The concept of optimal currency areas and discusses the factors that influence the formation of currency unions. The authors examine the correlation between country sizes, numbers of currencies, and currency areas in the post-world war ii period. They also analyze the effects of currency unions on trade and the comovements of prices and outputs. Tables showing the best anchor countries based on three criteria: mean annual inflation rate, trade volume, and value added.

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This PDF is a selection from a published volume
from the National Bureau of Economic Research
Volume Title: NBER Macroeconomics Annual 2002,
Volume 17
Volume Author/Editor: Mark Gertler and Kenneth
Rogoff, editors
Volume Publisher: MIT Press
Volume ISBN: 0-262-07246-7
Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/gert03-1
Conference Date: April 5-6, 2002
Publication Date: January 2003
Title: Optimal Currency Areas
Author: Alberto Alesina, Robert J. Barro, Silvana
Tenreyro
URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c11077
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¡Descarga Optimal Currency Areas: An Analysis of Inflation, Trade, and Currency Unions y más Apuntes en PDF de Administración de Empresas solo en Docsity!

This PDF is a selection from a published volume

from the National Bureau of Economic Research

Volume Title: NBER Macroeconomics Annual 2002,

Volume 17

Volume Author/Editor: Mark Gertler and Kenneth

Rogoff, editors

Volume Publisher: MIT Press

Volume ISBN: 0-262-07246-

Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/gert03-

Conference Date: April 5-6, 2002

Publication Date: January 2003

Title: Optimal Currency Areas

Author: Alberto Alesina, Robert J. Barro, Silvana

Tenreyro

URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c

Alberto (^) Alesina, RobertJ. Barro,

and Silvana Tenreyro

HARVARDUNIVERSITY,NBER,AND CPER;HARVARD

UNIVERSITY,HOOVERINSTITUTION,AND NBER;AND FEDERAL

RESERVEBANK OF BOSTON

Optimal Currency

Areas

1. Introduction

Is a country by

definition an optimal currency

area? If the optimal

number

of currencies is less than the number of existing countries, which countries

should form currency

areas?

This question, analyzed

in the pioneering

work of Mundell (1961) and

extended in Alesina and Barro (2002), has jumped

to the center stage

of

the current policy debate, for several reasons. First, the large

increase in

the number of independent

countries in the world led, until recently,

to

a roughly

one-for-one increase in the number of currencies. This prolifera-

tion of currencies occurred despite

the growing integration

of the world

economy.

On its own, the growth

of international trade in goods

and

assets should have raised the transactions benefits from common curren-

cies and led, thereby, to a decline in the number of independent moneys.

Second, the memory

of the inflationary

decades of the seventies and eight-

ies encouraged

inflation control, thereby generating consideration of ir-

revocably

fixed exchange

rates as a possible

instrument to achieve price

stability. Adopting

another country's currency

or maintaining

a currency

board were seen as more credible commitment devices than a simple

fix-

ing

of the exchange

rate. Third, recent episodes

of financial turbulence

have promoted

discussions about "new financial architectures." Although

this dialogue

is often vague

and inconclusive, one of its interesting

facets

We are grateful

to Rudi Dombusch, Mark Gertler, Kenneth Rogoff, Andy Rose, Jeffrey

Wurgler,

and several conference participants

for very

useful comments. Gustavo Suarez

provided

excellent research assistance. We thank the NSF for financial support through

a

grant

with the National Bureau of Economic Research.

Optimal Currency

Areas ?

303

The purpose

of this paper

is to evaluate whether natural currency

areas

emerge

from an empirical investigation.

As a theoretical background,

we

use the framework developed by

Alesina and Barro (2002), which dis-

cusses the trade-off between the costs and benefits of currency

unions.

Based on historical patterns

of international trade and of comovements

of prices

and outputs,

we find that there seem to exist reasonably

well-

defined dollar and euro areas but no clear yen

area. However, a country's

decision to join

a monetary

area should consider not just

the situation

that applies

ex ante, that is, under monetary autonomy,

but also the condi-

tions that would apply

ex post,

that is, allowing for the economic effects

of currency

union. The effects on international trade have been discussed

in a lively

recent literature prompted by

the findings

of Rose (2000). We

review this literature and provide

new results. We also find that currency

unions tend to increase the comovement of prices

but are not systemati-

cally

related to the comovement of outputs.

We should emphasize

that we do not address other issues that are im-

portant

for currency adoption,

such as those related to financial markets,

financial flows, and borrower-lender relationships.

We proceed

this way

not because we think that these questions

are unimportant,

but rather

because the focus of the present inquiry

is on different issues.

The paper

is organized

as follows. Section 2 discusses the broad evolu-

tion of country sizes, numbers of currencies, and currency

areas in the

post-World

War II period.

Section 3 reviews the implications

of the theo-

retical model of Alesina and Barro (2002), which we use as a guide

for

our empirical investigation.

Section 4 presents

our data set. Section 5 uses

the historical patterns

in international trade flows, inflation rates, and the

comovements of prices

and outputs

to attempt

to identify optimal

cur-

rency

areas. Section 6 considers how the formation of a currency

union

would change

bilateral trade flows and the comovements of prices

and

outputs.

The last section concludes.

  1. Countriesand Currencies

In 1947 there were 76 independent

countries in the world, whereas today

there are 193. Many

of today's

countries are small: in 1995, 87 coun-

tries had a population

less than 5 million. Figure 1, which is taken from

Alesina, Spolaore,

and Wacziarg (2000), depicts

the numbers of countries

created and eliminated in the last 150 years.

In the period

between World

Wars I and II, international trade collapsed,

and international borders

  1. For a recent theoretical discussion of these issues, see Gale and Vives (2002).
  2. The initial negative

bar in 1870 represents

the unification of Germany.

304? ALESINA, BARRO, & TENREYRO

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Trade to GDP Ratio

OU,AXNHNII~2'OavaV 'VNISSIV *^ 90E

1870

1873

1876

1879

1882

1885

1888

1891

1894

1897

1900

1903

1906

1909

1912

1915

1918

1921

1924

1927

1933

1936

1939

1942

1945

1951

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1975

1978

1981

1987

1993

1996

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OptimalCurrency

Areas*^307

However, sometimes forms of nationalistic pride have led countries into

disastrous courses of action. Therefore, the argument

that a national cur-

rency

satisfies nationalistic pride

does not make an independent money

economically

or politically

desirable. In fact, why a nation would take

pride

in a currency escapes us; it is probably

much more relevant to be

proud

of an Olympic

team. As for national identity, language

and culture

seem much more important

than a currency, yet many

countries have will-

ingly

retained the language

of their former colonizers. Moreover, many

countries undergoing

extreme inflation, such as in South America, tended

to change

the names of their moneys (^) frequently,

so even a sentimental

attachment to the name "peso"

or "dollar" seems not to be so important.

In any event, as already mentioned,

one can detect a recent tendency

toward formation of multicountry monetary

areas. In the next decade, the

ratio of currencies to independent

countries may

decrease substantially,

beginning

with the adoption

of the euro in 2002.

  1. TheCostsand Benefitsof Currency

Unions

We view this analysis

from the perspective

of a potential client country

that

is considering

the adoption

of another country's money

as a nominal anchor.

3.1 TRADEBENEFITS

Country

borders matter for trade flows: two regions

of the same country

trade much more with each other than they

would if an international

border were to separate

them. McCallum (1995) looked at U.S.-Canadian

trade in 1988 and suggested

that this effect was extremely large:

trade

between Canadian provinces

was estimated to be a staggering

larger

than that between otherwise comparable provinces

and states.

More recent work by

Anderson and van Wincoop (2001) argues

that this

effect from the U.S.-Canada border was vastly exaggerated

but is still

substantial: the presence

of an international border is estimated to reduce

trade among

industrialized countries by 30%, and between

the United

States and Canada by

44%. The question

is why

national borders matter

so much for trade even when there are no explicit

trade restrictions in

place. Among

other things, country

borders tend to be associated with

different currencies. Therefore, given that border effects are so large,

the

elimination of one source of border costs-the change

of currencies-

might

have a large effect on trade.

Alesina and Barro (2002) investigate the relationship

between currency

  1. Obstfeld and Rogoff (2000) argue

that these border effects on trade may

have profound

effects on a host of financial markets and may explain

a lot of anomalies in international

financial transactions.

OptimalCurrency

Areas ?

anchor plus

the change (positive

or negative)

in its price

level relative to

that of the anchor. In other words, if the inflation rate in the United States

is 2%, then in Panama it will be 2% plus

the change

in relative prices

between Panama and the United States. Therefore, even if the anchor

maintains domestic price stability, linkage

to the anchor does not guaran-

tee full price stability

for a client country.

The most likely

anchors are large

relative to the clients. In theory,

a

small but very

committed country

could be a perfectly good

anchor. How-

ever, ex post,

a small anchor may

be subject

to political pressure

from the

large

client to abandon the committed policy.

From an ex ante perspec-

tive, this consideration disqualifies the small country

as a credible anchor.

In summary:

The countries that stand to gain

the most from giving up

their currencies are those that have a history

of high

and volatile inflation.

This kind of history

is a symptom

of a lack of internal discipline

for mone-

tary policy. Hence, to the extent that this lack of discipline

tends to persist,

such countries would benefit the most from the introduction of external

discipline. Linkage

to another currency

is also more attractive if, under

the linked system,

relative price

levels between the countries would be

relatively

stable.

3.3 STABILIZATIONPOLICIES

The abandonment of a separate currency implies

the loss of an indepen-

dent monetary policy.

To the extent that monetary policy

would have

contributed to business-cycle stabilization, the loss of monetary indepen-

dence implies

costs in the form of wider cyclical

fluctuations of output.

The costs of giving up monetary independence

are lower the higher

the association of shocks between the client and the anchor. The more the

shocks are related, the more the policy

selected by

the anchor will be

appropriate

for the client as well. What turns out to matter is not the

correlation of shocks per se, but rather the variance of the client country's

output expressed

as a ratio to the anchor country's output.

This variance

depends partly

on the correlation of output (and, hence, of underlying

shocks) and partly

on the individual variances of outputs.

For example,

a small country's output may

be highly

correlated with that in the United

States. But, if the small country's

variance of output

is much greater

than

that of the United States, then the U.S. monetary policy

will still be inap-

propriate

for the client. In particular,

the magnitude

of countercyclical

monetary policy

chosen by

the United States will be too small from the

client's perspective.

The costs implied by

the loss of an independent money depend also

on the explicit

or implicit

contract that can be arranged

between the an-

chor and its clients. We can think of two cases. In one, the anchor does

310 *^ ALESINA,BARRO,& TENREYRO

not change

its monetary policy regardless

of the composition

and experi-

ence of its clients. Thus, clients that have more shocks in common with

the anchor stand to lose less from abandoning

their independent policy

but have no influence on the monetary policy

chosen by

the anchor coun-

try.

In the other case, the clients can compensate

the anchor to motivate

the selection of a policy

that takes into account the clients' interests, which

will reflect the shocks that they experience.

The ability

to enter into such

contracts makes currency

unions more attractive. However, even when

these agreements

are feasible, the greater

the association of shocks be-

tween clients and anchor, the easier it is to form a currency

union. Spe-

cifically,

it is cheaper

for a client to buy

accommodation from an anchor

that faces shocks that are similar to those faced by

the clients.9 The alloca-

tion of seignorage arising

from the client's use of the anchor's currency

can be made part

of the compensation

schemes.

The European Monetary

Union is similar to this arrangement

with com-

pensation,

because the monetary policy

of the union is not targeted

to a

specific country (say Germany),

but rather to a weighted average

of each

country's shocks, that is, to aggregate

euro-area shocks. In the discussion

leading up

to the formation of the European Monetary Union, concerns

about the degree

of association among

business cycles

across potential

members were critical. In practice,

the institutional arrangements

within

the European

Union are much more complex

than a compensation

scheme, but the point

is that the ECB does not target

the shocks of any

particular country,

but rather the average European

shocks.

In the case of developing countries, the costs of abandoning

an indepen-

dent monetary policy may

not be that high,

because stabilization policies

are typically

not well used when exchange

rates are flexible. Recent work

by

Calvo and Reinhart (2002) and Hausmann, Panizza, and Stein (1999)

suggests

that developing

countries tend to follow procyclical monetary

policies; specifically, they

tend to raise interest rates in times of distress

to defend the value of their currency.

To the extent that monetary policy

is not properly

used as a stabilization device, the loss of monetary

in-

dependence

is not a substantial cost (and may actually be a benefit) for

  1. Note that, in theory,

a small country

could be an ideal anchor because it is cheaper

to

compensate

such an anchor for the provision

of monetary

services that are tailored to

the interests of clients. However, as discussed before, a small anchor may lack credibility.

  1. The European

Union also has specific prescriptions

about the allocation of seignorage.

The amounts are divided according

to the share of GDP of the various member countries.

For a discussion of the European

Central Bank policy objectives

and how this policy

relates to individual country shocks, see Alesina et al. (2001).

  1. A literature on Latin America, prompted mostly by a paper by

Gavin and Perotti (1997),

has also shown that fiscal policy has the wrong cyclical properties.

That is, surpluses

tend to appear during recessions, and deficits during expansions.

312

  • ALESINA, BARRO, & TENREYRO

4. Data and

Methodology

4.1 DATA DESCRIPTION AND SOURCES

Data on outputs

and prices

come from the World Bank's World Develop-

ment Indicators (WDI) and Penn World Tables 5.6. Combining

both

sources, we form a panel

of countries with yearly

data on outputs

and

prices

from 1960 to 1997 (or, in some cases, for shorter periods).

For out-

put,

we use real per capita

GDP

expressed

in 1995 U.S. dollars. To com-

pute

relative prices,

we use a form of real exchange

rate relating

to the

price

level for gross

domestic products.

The measure is the purchasing-

power parity (PPP) for GDP divided by

the U.S. dollar exchange

rate.

In the first instance, this measure gives

us the price

level in country

i

relative to that in the United States, Pi,t/Pust.

We then compute

relative

prices

between countries i and j by dividing

the value for country

i by

that for country j.

Inflation is computed

as the continuously compounded

(log-difference) growth

rate of the GDP deflator, coming from WDI.

Bilateral trade information comes from Glick and Rose (2002), who in

turn extracted it from the International Monetary

Fund's Direction of

Trade

Statistics. These data are expressed

in real U.S. dollars.'

To compute

bilateral distances, we use the great-circle-distance algo-

rithm provided by Gray (2002). Data on location, as well as contiguity,

access to water, language, and colonial relationships

come from the CIA

WorldFact Book2001. Data on free-trade agreements

come from Glick and

Rose (2002) and are complemented

with data from the World Trade Orga-

nization Web page.

4.2 THE COMPUTATIONOF COMOVEMENTS

We pair

all (^) countries and calculate bilateral relative prices, Pi^

/ Pj.

(This ratio measures

the value of one unit of country

i's output

rela-

tive to one unit of country j's output.)

This procedure generates 21,

(207 x 206/2) country pairs

for each year.

For every pair

of countries,

(i, j), we^ use^ the annual^ time^ series^ {ln(Pit/P,j)}t97 to compute

the

second-order autoregression15:

  1. Pi = (PPP of GDP) / (ex. rate) measures how many

units of U.S. output

can be purchased

with one unit of country

i's output,

that is, it measures the relative price

of country

i's

output

with respect

to that of the United States. By definition, this price

is always

1

when i is the United States.

  1. Glick and Rose (2002) deflated the original

nominal values of trade by

the U.S. consumer

price index, with 1982-

= 100. We use the same index to express

trade values in

1995 U.S. dollars.

  1. We use fewer observations when the full time series from 1960 to 1997 is unavailable.

However, we drop country pairs for which fewer than 20 observations are available.

OptimalCurrency

Areas ?

In Pit = bo + bl n

  • b n + etij

Pjt Pj,t-1^ Pij,t-

The estimated residual, t,i,j, measures the relative price

that would not

be predictable

from the two prior

values of relative prices.

We then use

as a measure of (lack of) comovement of relative prices

the root-mean-

square

error:

fp^/

1 T

VP,

\IT-

t

The lower VPij,

the greater

the comovement of prices

between countries

i and

j.

We proceed analogously

to compute

a measure of output

comovement.

The value of VYij

comes from the estimated residuals from the second-

order autoregression

on annual data for relative per capita

GDP:

In

Yi = Co + C

In + C

In

Y

utij.

Yjt Yj,t-l Yj,t-

The estimated residual utij

measures the relative output

that would not

be predictable

from the two prior

values of relative output.

We then use

as a measure of (lack of) comovement of relative outputs

the root-mean-

square

error:

1T

VYij

t

Ui

t=l

The lower VYii,

the greater

the comovement of outputs

between countries

i and j.

For most countries all of the data are available. We exclude from the

computation

of comovements country pairs

for which we do not have at

least 20 observations. Note that this limitation implies

that we cannot in-

clude in our analysis

most of central and eastern Europe,

a region

in which

some countries are likely

clients of the euro.

OptimalCurrency

Areas ?

Table 1 MEAN ANNUAL INFLATION

RATE1970-1990a

Region

Rate(%/yr)

High-Inflation

Countriesb

Nicaragua

1168

Bolivia 702

Peru 531

Argentina

Brazil 288

Vietnam 213

Uganda

Chile 107

Cambodia 80

Israel 78

Uruguay

Congo,

Dem. Rep.

Lebanon 44

Lao PDR 42

Mexico 41

Mozambique

Somalia 40

Turkey

Ghana 39

SierraLeone 34

All

Industrial Countriesc

Developing

Countriesc

Africa

Asia

Europe

Middle East

WesternHemisphere

aBased on GDP deflators.Source:WDI2001.

bThisgroupincludesonly countrieswith 1997 population

above (^) 500,000.Rankedby inflationrate.

c Unweightedmeans.

flation rate (22%) resulted from a long period

of moderate, double-digit

inflation.

Tables 3, 4, and 5 list for selected countries and groups

the average

trade-to-GDP ratios16over 1960-1997 with three potential

anchors for cur-

rency

areas: the United States, the euro area (based on the twelve mem-

  1. The trade measure is equivalent

to the average

of imports

and exports.

Glick and Rose's

(2002) values come from averaging four measures of bilateral trade (as reported for im-

ports and exports by the partners on each side of both transactions).

316 *^ ALESINA, BARRO, & TENREYRO

Table 2 INFLATION-RATE VARIABILITY

1970-1990a

Region Variability(%/yr)

Countries with High Inflation Variabilityb

Nicaragua

3197

Bolivia 2684

Peru 1575

Argentina

749

Brazil 589

Chile 170

Vietnam 160

Israel 95

Cambodia 63

Uganda

63

Mozambique

52

Somalia 50

Oman 46

Lebanon 41

Kuwait 38

Uruguay

38

Guinea-Bissau 37

Mexico 37

Guyana

36

Congo,

Dem. Rep

36

Industrial Countriesc

All 4.

Developing

Countriesc

Africa 13.

Asia 14.

Europe

Middle East 28.

Western Hemisphere

a Standarddeviation of annual inflationrates, based on

GDP deflators.Source:WDI2001.

b Thisgroupincludesonly countrieswith 1997population

above (^) 500,000.Rankedby standarddeviationof inflation.

c Unweightedmeans.

318? ALESINA, BARRO, & TENREYRO

Table 4 AVERAGE TRADE-TO-GDP

RATIO WITH THE EURO

12, 1960-1997a

Region

Ratio (%)

High

Trade-Ratio Countriesb

Mauritania 34.

Congo, Rep.^

Guinea-Bissau 27.

Cote d'Ivoire 24.

Algeria

Belgium-Lux.

Gabon 23.

Togo

Nigeria

Tunisia 20.

Gambia, The^ 20.

Senegal

Comoros 19.

Netherlands 18.

Oman 17.

Cameroon 17.

Congo,

Dem. Rep.

Slovenia 16.

Angola

Syrian

Arab Republic

Industrial Countriesc

All 7.

Developing

Countriesc

Africa 14.

Asia 4.

Europe

Middle East 11.

Western Hemisphere

aTrade is the averageof importsand exports.(Im-

ports

is the averageof the values reportedby the

importer

and the exporter.Idem for exports.)Av-

eragesare

for 1960-1977(when GDP data are not

available,the^ averagecorrespondsto the^ periodof

availability).

Source:Glick& Rose (tradevalues);

WDI2001(GDP).Fora Euro country,the trade

ratiosapply to the other 11 countries.

b This group includes^ only countries^ with^1997

populationabove

(^) 500,000.

c Underweightmeans.

Optimal CurrencyAreas?

319

Table 5 AVERAGE TRADE-TO-GDP

RATIO WITH JAPAN,

1960-1997a

Region

Ratio (%)

High-Trade-Ratio Countriesb

Oman 16.

United Arab Emirates 15.

Panama 14.

Singapore

Kuwait 9.

Malaysia

Papua

New Guinea 9.

Bahrain 8.

Saudi Arabia 8.

Hong Kong,

China 7.

Indonesia 7.

Swaziland 6.

Thailand 5.

Gambia, The^ 5.

Mauritania 5.

Iran, Islamic Rep. 5.

Philippines

Korea, Rep.

Nicaragua

Fiji

Industrial Countriesc

All (^) 0.

Developing

Countriesc

Africa 1.

Asia 5.

Europe

Middle East 6.

Western Hemisphere

a Trade is the average

of imports

and exports. (Im-

ports

is the average

of the values reported by

the

importer

and the exporter.

Idem for exports.)

Av-

erages

are for 1960-1997 (when GDP data are not

available, the average corresponds to the period of

availability).

Source: Glick and Rose (trade values);

WDI 2001 (GDP).

bThis group

includes only

countries with 1997

population

above 500,000.

c

Unweigted

means.