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Neural Processing of Speech Production: A Focus on Broca's Area - Prof. López, Apuntes de Psicolingüística

The neural processing of speech production, specifically focusing on broca's area. The article presents the findings of sahin et al. Who recorded neuronal activity in the human brain during a language production task. The results indicate that different kinds of linguistic information are sequentially processed within broca’s area, with distinct temporal and spatial segregation. The study provides evidence for the sequentiality of different access and unification operations in speaking and sheds light on the role of broca’s area in language processing.

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16 OCTOBER 2009 VOL 326 SCIENCE www.sciencemag.org
372
PERSPECTIVES
How does intention to
speak become the
action of speaking?
It involves the generation of
a preverbal message that is
tailored to the requirements
of a particular language, and
through a series of steps, the
message is transformed into
a linear sequence of speech
sounds ( 1, 2). These steps
include retrieving different
kinds of information from
memory (semantic, syntac-
tic, and phonological), and
combining them into larger
structures, a process called
unification. Despite general
agreement about the steps that
connect intention to articu-
lation, there is no consensus
about their temporal profi le or
the role of feedback from later
steps ( 3, 4). In addition, since
the discovery by the French
physician Pierre Paul Broca
(in 1865) of the role of the
left inferior frontal cortex in
speaking, relatively little prog-
ress has been made in under-
standing the neural infrastruc-
ture that supports speech pro-
duction ( 5). One reason is that
the characteristics of natural language are
uniquely human, and thus the neurobiology
of language lacks an adequate animal model.
But on page 445 of this issue, Sahin et al. ( 6)
demonstrate, by recording neuronal activity
in the human brain, that different kinds of
linguistic information are indeed sequentially
processed within Broca’s area.
Sahin et al. had the unique opportunity to
record from three patients with epilepsy dur-
ing presurgical preparation. Depth electrodes
were implanted in Broca’s area and the ante-
rior temporal cortex, and local fi eld poten-
tials were recorded while the patients were
engaged in a language production task. The
subjects were asked either to read silently
words presented on a screen, or to silently
produce the infl ected form of the presented
nouns and verbs in accordance with the
syntactic requirements imposed by a short
sentence fragment (e.g., Yesterday they…
walked). This latter process has two compo-
nents (see the fi gure). One is to determine the
correct tense of the target word and to gen-
erate (for regular infl ections) or retrieve (for
irregular infl ections) the correct mor phologi-
cal form. The other is the generation of the
concomitant phonological code and prepara-
tion for articulation.
Particularly in Broca’s area, more spe-
cifi cally Brodmann area 45, a clear triphasic
local fi eld potential response was observed.
At about 200 ms after presentation of the
word, word identifi cation had taken place,
with a stronger response for low-frequency
words than for high-frequency words. Mor-
phological composition and retrieval for
nouns and verbs happened at around 320 ms.
Finally, at about 450 ms, phonological encod-
ing had been completed. All these operations
were not only temporally separated, but also
spatially segregated at a scale of only a few
millimeters, which is below the effective spa-
tial resolution of standard functional mag-
netic resonance imaging of brain activity.
These data are relevant for both cognitive
models of speech production and for accounts
on the role of Broca’s area. The time course
is clear evidence for the sequentiality of dif-
ferent access and unifi cation operations in
speaking, and is consistent with the few esti-
mates in the literature ( 7, 8). Moreover, both
the anatomical and the temporal segregation
of word-encoding operations in Broca’s area
are in line with the view that this region is
involved with each of these encoding oper-
ations and their unifi cation over time. Feed-
back operations among these processes can-
not be excluded. However, the fi ne-grained
temporal and spatial separation of these steps
suggests that we are witnessing the “fi rst go”
process at work here.
Both functional magnetic resonance
imaging and lesion studies have shown that
Broca’s area is also involved in processing
infl ectional morphology during comprehen-
sion ( 9). In combination with the fi ndings of
Sahin et al., this suggests that Broca’s area is
recruited during both language production
and comprehension. Whether these recruit-
ments can be separated at the scale of the
microcircuitry within Broca’s area remains
to be seen.
Broca’s area has been proposed to have a
more specialized role in language process-
ing—facilitating linguistically motivated
operations of syntactic movement ( 10) and
processing hierarchical structures ( 11). The
The Speaking Brain
NEUROSCIENCE
Peter Hagoort
1, 2 and Willem J. M. Levelt
1
Recordings of electrical activity in the human
brain reveal the fi ne-tuned, stepwise neuronal
processing of language and speech.
Times at which
Broca’s area
contributes to
the different
processing steps
Feedback for self-monitoring
Broca’s area
Lexical concept
Lemma selection
Lemma
Retrieving
morphemic codes
Phonological code
Phonological and
phonetic encoding
Articulatory score
Word recognition
(visual, auditory)
~200 ms
~320 ms
~450 ms
From intention to articulation. Shown is an adapted
version of the lexical encoding model for speech pro-
duction ( 2), specifying steps in the paradigm used
by Sahin et al. Based on the visual input, a lemma
is selected that specifi es the syntactic features of a
lexical concept. For instance, for the lemma horse, it
specifi es that it is a count noun. In addition, the mor-
phemic codes are retrieved. For instance, when the
speaker wants to produce the plural form of horse,
the codes for both the stem and the plural suffi x are
retrieved. Next, the phonological codes for each mor-
pheme are retrieved, combined, and transformed
into a motor command to the articulatory system. The
approximate times (in milliseconds) at which Broca’s
area contributes to the different processing steps are
shown. The late (i.e., at 500 to 600 ms) monophasic
component observed in the temporal lobe ( 6) might
refl ect self-monitoring of the speech output.
CREDIT: Y. GREENMAN/SCIENCE
1Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, NL-6500 HB
Nijmegen, Netherlands. 2Donders Institute for Brain, Cog-
nition and Behaviour, Radboud University Nijmegen, Neth-
erlands. E-mail: [email protected]
Published by AAAS
on October 16, 2009 www.sciencemag.orgDownloaded from
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372 16 OCTOBER 2009^ VOL 326^ SCIENCE^ www.sciencemag.org

PERSPECTIVES

H

ow does intention to speak become the action of speaking? It involves the generation of a preverbal message that is tailored to the requirements of a particular language, and through a series of steps, the message is transformed into a linear sequence of speech sounds ( 1 , 2 ). These steps include retrieving different kinds of information from memory (semantic, syntac- tic, and phonological), and combining them into larger structures, a process called unification. Despite general agreement about the steps that connect intention to articu- lation, there is no consensus about their temporal profile or the role of feedback from later steps ( 3 , 4 ). In addition, since the discovery by the French physician Pierre Paul Broca (in 1865) of the role of the left inferior frontal cortex in speaking, relatively little prog- ress has been made in under- standing the neural infrastruc- ture that supports speech pro- duction ( 5 ). One reason is that the characteristics of natural language are uniquely human, and thus the neurobiology of language lacks an adequate animal model. But on page 445 of this issue, Sahin et al. ( 6 ) demonstrate, by recording neuronal activity in the human brain, that different kinds of linguistic information are indeed sequentially processed within Broca’s area. Sahin et al. had the unique opportunity to record from three patients with epilepsy dur- ing presurgical preparation. Depth electrodes were implanted in Broca’s area and the ante- rior temporal cortex, and local field poten- tials were recorded while the patients were engaged in a language production task. The subjects were asked either to read silently words presented on a screen, or to silently produce the inflected form of the presented

nouns and verbs in accordance with the syntactic requirements imposed by a short sentence fragment (e.g., Yesterday they… walked). This latter process has two compo- nents (see the figure). One is to determine the correct tense of the target word and to gen- erate (for regular inflections) or retrieve (for irregular inflections) the correct morphologi- cal form. The other is the generation of the concomitant phonological code and prepara- tion for articulation. Particularly in Broca’s area, more spe- cifically Brodmann area 45, a clear triphasic local field potential response was observed. At about 200 ms after presentation of the word, word identification had taken place, with a stronger response for low-frequency words than for high-frequency words. Mor- phological composition and retrieval for nouns and verbs happened at around 320 ms. Finally, at about 450 ms, phonological encod- ing had been completed. All these operations

were not only temporally separated, but also spatially segregated at a scale of only a few millimeters, which is below the effective spa- tial resolution of standard functional mag- netic resonance imaging of brain activity. These data are relevant for both cognitive models of speech production and for accounts on the role of Broca’s area. The time course is clear evidence for the sequentiality of dif- ferent access and unification operations in speaking, and is consistent with the few esti- mates in the literature ( 7 , 8 ). Moreover, both the anatomical and the temporal segregation of word-encoding operations in Broca’s area are in line with the view that this region is involved with each of these encoding oper- ations and their unification over time. Feed- back operations among these processes can- not be excluded. However, the fine-grained temporal and spatial separation of these steps suggests that we are witnessing the “first go” process at work here. Both functional magnetic resonance imaging and lesion studies have shown that Broca’s area is also involved in processing inflectional morphology during comprehen- sion ( 9 ). In combination with the findings of Sahin et al ., this suggests that Broca’s area is recruited during both language production and comprehension. Whether these recruit- ments can be separated at the scale of the microcircuitry within Broca’s area remains to be seen. Broca’s area has been proposed to have a more specialized role in language process- ing—facilitating linguistically motivated operations of syntactic movement ( 10 ) and processing hierarchical structures ( 11 ). The

The Speaking Brain

NEUROSCIENCE

Peter Hagoort1,2^ and Willem J. M. Levelt^1

Recordings of electrical activity in the human brain reveal the fine-tuned, stepwise neuronal processing of language and speech.

Times at which Broca’s area contributes to the different processing steps Feedback for self-monitoring

Broca’s area

Lexical concept

Lemma selection

Lemma

Retrieving morphemic codes

Phonological code

Phonological and phonetic encoding

Articulatory score

Word recognition (visual, auditory)

~200 ms

~320 ms

~450 ms

From intention to articulation. Shown is an adapted version of the lexical encoding model for speech pro- duction ( 2 ), specifying steps in the paradigm used by Sahin et al. Based on the visual input, a lemma is selected that specifies the syntactic features of a lexical concept. For instance, for the lemma horse , it specifies that it is a count noun. In addition, the mor- phemic codes are retrieved. For instance, when the speaker wants to produce the plural form of horse , the codes for both the stem and the plural suffix are retrieved. Next, the phonological codes for each mor- pheme are retrieved, combined, and transformed into a motor command to the articulatory system. The approximate times (in milliseconds) at which Broca’s area contributes to the different processing steps are shown. The late (i.e., at 500 to 600 ms) monophasic component observed in the temporal lobe ( 6 ) might reflect self-monitoring of the speech output.

CREDIT: Y. GREENMAN/

SCIENCE

(^1) Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, NL-6500 HB Nijmegen, Netherlands. 2 Donders Institute for Brain, Cog- nition and Behaviour, Radboud University Nijmegen, Neth- erlands. E-mail: [email protected]

Published by AAAS

on October 16, 2009

www.sciencemag.org

Downloaded from

www.sciencemag.org SCIENCE VOL 326 16 OCTOBER 2009 (^373)

PERSPECTIVES

results of Sahin et al. indicate that the role of Broca’s area is not so limited, but should be characterized in more general terms. It is likely involved in unification operations at the word and sentence level, in connection with temporal regions that are crucial for memory retrieval ( 12 ). As is known for neurons in the visual cor- tex ( 13 ), the specific contribution of Broca’s area may well vary with time, as a conse- quence of the different dynamic cortical net- works in which it is embedded at different time slices. This fits well with the finding that Broca’s area is not language specific, but is

also recruited in the service of other cognitive domains, such as music ( 14 ) and action ( 15 ), and with the finding that its contribution to language processing crosses the boundaries of semantics, syntax, and phonology.

References

  1. W. J. M. Levelt, Speaking: From Intention to Articulation (MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 1989).
  2. W. J. M. Levelt, Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 98 , 13464 (2001).
  3. W. J. M. Levelt, A. Roelofs, A. S. Meyer, Behav. Brain Sci. 22 , 1 (1999).
  4. G. S. Dell, M. F. Schwartz, N. Martin, E. M. Saffran, D. A. Gagnon, Psychol. Rev. 104 , 801 (1997).
  5. P. Broca, Bull. Soc. Anthropol. Paris 6 , 377 (1865).
    1. N. T. Sahin, S. Pinker, S. S. Cash, D. Schomer, E. Halgren, Science 326 , 445 (2009).
    2. P. Hagoort, M. van Turennout, in Speech Motor Produc- tion and Fluency Disorders: Brain Research in Speech Production , W. Hulstijn, H. Peters, P. Van Lieshout, Eds. (Elsevier, Amsterdam, 1997), pp. 351–361.
    3. P. Indefrey, W. J. M. Levelt, Cognition 92 , 101 (2004).
    4. L. K. Tyler, W. Marslen-Wilson, Philos. Trans. R. Soc. 363 , 1037 (2008).
  6. Y. Grodzinsky, A. Santi, Trends Cogn. Sci. 12 , 474 (2008).
  7. A. D. Friederici, Trends Cogn. Sci. 8 , 245 (2004).
  8. P. Hagoort, Trends Cogn. Sci. 9 , 416 (2005).
  9. V. A. Lamme, P. R. Roelfsema, Trends Neurosci. 23 , 571 (2000).
  10. A. D. Patel, Nat. Neurosci. 6 , 674 (2003).
  11. F. Hamzei et al ., Neuroimage 19 , 637 (2003).

10.1126/science.

Becoming T. rex

PALEONTOLOGY

James Clark

A small tyrannosaur from the Early Cretaceous sheds light on the origin of predatory features of Tyrannosaurus rex.

Small beginnings. The new tyrannosaur Raptorex kriegsteini (bottom left) ( 1 ) is dwarfed by the skeleton of Tyrannosaurus rex.

CREDITS:

RAPTOREX

SKELETON MODIFIED FROM (

1 );

T. REX

SKELETON BY G. S. PAUL

G

igantic, ferocious, long-dead ani- mals like Tyrannosaurus rex never fail to capture people’s attention, and the discovery of a new tyrannosaur— giant or otherwise—is always big news. On page 418 of this issue, Sereno et al. ( 1 ) report on a spectacular skeleton of a new genus and species near the ancestry of the group including T. rex and its closest rela- tives, the Tyrannosauridae. At an estimated 3 m total length, Raptorex kriegsteini is much smaller than the largest T. rex [12. m long ( 2 )] and other tyrannosaurids, but has several key features previously known only in this family. Raptorex thus provides a glimpse at how tyrannosaurids evolved.

Fossils preserved in the rock with Rap- torex point strongly to its origin from the beds at the bottom of the Jehol Group in north- eastern China, although the locality remains unknown. The Jehol Group fossil beds ( 3 ) are famous for preserving dinosaurs with feath- ers in their thin-bedded shales, including the basal tyrannosaur Dilong ( 4 ), but the skele- tons are usually crushed into two dimensions, and structures such as the skull are difficult to study. Fortunately, a series of beds in the low- est part of the Jehol Group yields exquisitely preserved, uncrushed skeletons, albeit with- out any soft tissues. The Raptorex specimen was purchased a few years ago by Henry J. Kriegstein at the Tucson Gem and Mineral Show ( 5 ), a venue notorious for the sale of illegally collected fossils, such as the famous Archaeoraptor chimera from the Jehol Group ( 6 ). Kriegstein approached Sereno

with the fossil, and Sereno agreed to describe it on the condition that it would be deposited in a collection in China ( 5 ). Although the fossil is currently with Sereno in Chicago, the speci- men will be deposited in the Long Hao Institute of Geology and Paleontology in Hohhot, Inner Mongolia. Lin Tan of that institute is a coauthor of the paper, along with Kriegstein. What to do with “hot” specimens is a conundrum for scientists. Such specimens almost always lack reliable locality data and therefore information about the sediments in which they were preserved. Stolen fossils can preserve data about the anatomy of a new or poorly known species, but enriching thieves or their fences is no more ethical for a fossil than for a car or a Grecian statue. The nam- ing of a new ankylosaur, Minotaurasaurus ramachandrani ( 7 ), was strongly criticized ( 8 ), because the fossil was almost certainly

Department of Biological Sciences, George Washington University, Washington, DC 20052, USA. E-mail: jclark@ gwu.edu

Published by AAAS

on October 16, 2009

www.sciencemag.org

Downloaded from