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HISTORY AND THEORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
2. Realism (I):
Classical Realism
Dr. Javier Morales [email protected]
Contents 2.1. The Realist Tradition 2.2. Classical Realism
2.1. The Realist Tradition
- (Classical) realism and idealism confronted each other in what became known as the “First Debate” in IR (1920s-1930s): - Idealism: faith in human nature and historical progress in world politics; a rational and moral international order is possible; emphasis on cooperation. - Realism: world politics is a competition for power; progress is not possible; human nature is selfish; states do not have “moral” values. Example: How to react to the rise of Nazi Germany?
- When a state becomes more powerful and could represent a threat, other states can have two possible strategies: - Bandwagoning: allying yourself with the most powerful state, in order to avoid being attacked by it - Balancing: arming yourself and/or creating an alliance of countries against this common threat 2.1. The Realist Tradition
- Realism is a normative theory about practical foreign policy-making, based on historical experience.
- Lessons of 2 nd World War: a state’s behaviour cannot be reformed, just contained.
- Anthropological pessimism : human nature is selfish and has an innate lust for power.
- IR are basically conflictive: competition between states for power and unilateral advantage
- According to classical realism, - How can we explain Russia’s rise as a world power and intervention in Ukraine? - What should the West do about it?
- The balance is maintained by having sufficient power (esp. military) to deter aggression by other states.
- But this may cause a security dilemma :
- Other states may not trust our intentions, thinking that our military power will be used for attacking them – so they may start a war to prevent us from becoming too powerful.
- “Intentions change but capabilities remain”.
- The most influential states are:
- Superpowers: create and keep international order
- 2 superpowers = bipolar system (Cold War: US, USSR)
- 1 superpower = unipolar system (US after Cold War)
- Great powers: also global leadership but less
- The current international system is increasingly multipolar: one superpower (US) + several rising great powers (EU, China, Russia, etc.)
- Regional powers: leaders in their geographic region
- Middle powers: certain influence All states try to improve their position in the “ranking” of world power, either individually or allying themselves with others.
- The success of the balance of power to prevent wars is not automatic: it depends on the existence and strength of an international society that bounds the great powers together. - “European state system” Æ alliances between monarchies - A sense of “community” can make leaders moderate their ambitions
- Classical realist authors in IR:
- Hans J. MORGENTHAU
- E. H. CARR (historian), The Twenty Years’ Crisis
- Reinhold NIEBUHR
- George F. KENNAN, “The Sources of Soviet Conduct” (the “long telegram”, basis for the containment policy during the Cold War)
- Henry KISSINGER
- MORGENTHAU’s “six principles of political realism”: 1. Both domestic and international politics are governed by the same objective laws, which have their roots in human nature. 2. The main concept in IR is national interest defined in terms of power. All statesmen in all countries act according to it, regardless of motives, ideologies or moral qualities.
- A state’s national interest is always defined in terms of power; but the foreign policy objectives it pursues will depend on its political and historical context.
- Universal moral principles cannot be applied to international politics as they are applied to individual actions. Morality in IR means prudence: weighing the consequences of alternative policies, keeping in mind state’s survival as the main principle.
- MORGENTHAU gradually changed his thinking on the importance of morality: - It is naive to think that ethics or international law will prevent war and resolve conflicts. - But, on the other hand, international moral conventions impose some limits on what states can do Æ violating them could erode our international image and influence.
- In the Cold War , the old normative order was in ruins and too feeble to restrain great powers.
- MORGENTHAU saw a danger in the “crusading spirit” of mutually exclusive ideologies.
- Deterrence could preserve the balance of power – but only if leaders had the ability to resist pressures to engage in confrontational foreign policies