English as a Global Language-David Crystal, Prove d'esame di Lingua Inglese

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English as a global language

Second edition

David Crystal, world authority on the English language, presents a lively and factual account of the rise of English as a global language and ex- plores the whys and wherefores of the history, current status and future potential of English as the international language of communication. En- glish has been lauded as the most ‘successful’ language ever, with 1, million speakers worldwide; but Crystal avoids taking sides and tells the story in a measured but engaging way, backed by facts and figures. This new edition of his classic book contains extra sections (on subjects in- cluding the linguistic features of New Englishes, the future of English as a world language, and the possibility of an English ‘family’ of languages), footnotes and a full bibliography. There are updates throughout. This is a book for anyone of any nationality concerned with English: teachers, students, language professionals, politicians, general readers and anyone with a love of the language.

D AVI D C R YS TA L is one of the world’s foremost authorities on language. He is author of the hugely successful Cambridge encyclopedia of language (1987; second edition 1997), Cambridge encyclopedia of the English language (1995), Language death (2000), Language and the Internet (2001) and Shakespeare’s words (2002, with Ben Crystal). An interna- tionally renowned writer, journal editor, lecturer and broadcaster, he received an OBE in 1995for his services to the study and teaching of the English language. His edited books include several editions of The Cambridge encyclopedia (1990–2000) and related publications, Words on words (2000, with Hilary Crystal) and The new Penguin encyclopedia (2002).

English as a global language

Second edition

DAVID CRYSTAL

   Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo

Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge  , United Kingdom

First published in print format

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© David Crystal 1997, 2003

2003

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• 1 Why a global language? Preface to the first edition xii
  • What is a global language?
  • What makes a global language?
  • Why do we need a global language?
  • What are the dangers of a global language?
  • Could anything stop a global language?
  • A critical era
• 2 Why English? The historical context
  • Origins
  • America
  • Canada
  • The Caribbean
  • Australia and New Zealand
  • South Africa
  • South Asia
  • Former colonial Africa
  • South-east Asia and the South Pacific
  • A world view
• 3 Why English? The cultural foundation Contents
  • Political developments
  • Access to knowledge
  • Taken for granted
• 4 Why English? The cultural legacy
  • International relations
  • The media
    • The press
    • Advertising
    • Broadcasting
    • Cinema
    • Popular music
  • International travel
  • International safety
  • Education
  • Communications
  • The right place at the right time
• 5The future of global English
  • The rejection of English
  • Contrasting attitudes: the US situation
  • New Englishes
  • The linguistic character of new Englishes
    • Grammar
    • Vocabulary
    • Code-switching
    • Other domains
  • The future of English as a world language
  • An English family of languages?
  • A unique event?
• References
• Index

List of tables

1 Speakers of English in territories where the language has had special relevance page 62 2 Annual growth rate in population in selected countries, 1996–2001 71 3(a) Some differences in British and American adverbial usage 150 (b) Specific adverb+adjective pairs showing differences in conversational usage 150 4 Some potentially distinctive grammatical features of New Englishes 153 5Some distinctive collocations and idioms noted in Pakistan, Nigeria and Ghana 163

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Preface to the second edition

Although English as a global language did not appear until 1997, it was actually written in 1995, which in 2002 seems a very long time ago, as far as global linguistic developments are concerned. The 1990s were a revolutionary decade, in that respect, with a proliferation of new linguistic varieties arising out of the world- wide implementation of the Internet, an emerging awareness of the crisis affecting the world’s endangered languages, and an in- creasingly public recognition of the global position of English. Academic publications relating to this last topic seriously increased in number and weight. The largely article-driven literature of pre- vious decades had typically been exploratory and programmatic, restricted to individual situations, anecdotal in illustration, lacking a sociolinguistic frame of reference, and focusing on the written (and usually literary) language. By contrast, the 1990s saw the emergence of a more comprehensive perspective in which spoken varieties became prominent, there was a real increase in the amount of descriptive data, and attempts were made to arrive at explanations and to make predictions of an appropriately general and sociolinguistically informed character. In particular, several book-length treatments of English ap- peared, each providing a personal synthesis of previous observa- tions and speculations, and focusing on the phenomenon of global English as an end in itself. By the end of the decade, the differ- ent attitudes had highlit a number of important theoretical issues,

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Preface to the second edition

and made it possible to see the various kinds of focus adopted by individual authors. I came to see the first edition of the present book, as a consequence, more clearly as predominantly a retro- spective account, examining the range of historical factors which have led to the current position of English in the world. Although avoiding firm predictions about the future, I thought it likely that English ‘has already grown to be independent of any form of social control’ (1st edition, p. 139). In my view the momentum of growth has become so great that there is nothing likely to stop its continued spread as a global lingua franca, at least in the fore- seeable future. Other books took different perspectives. For ex- ample, David Graddol’s The future of English , published in 1998, looked towards the future, beginning with the present-day situa- tion, and examining the contemporary trends likely to affect the language’s eventual role. For him, English is certainly stoppable. Emphasizing the unpredictability inherent in language use, he suggested that ‘the current global wave of English may lose mo- mentum’ (p. 60) and saw the real possibility of new language hier- archies emerging in the next century, with English holding a less global position. Then Tom McArthur, in The English languages , also published in 1998, adopted a more synchronic perspective, moving away from a monolithic concept of English. His primary focus was on the kinds of variation encountered in the language as a consequence of its global spread. He suggested that English was undergoing a process of radical change which would eventually lead to fragmentation into a ‘family of languages’. The role of these books has been to underline some of the pa- rameters of inquiry which must influence the next wave of empir- ical studies. From a stage when there were few general hypotheses to motivate research, we now have a multiplicity of them. Some are issues relating to language use: several political, economic, demographic and social factors have been identified as potential influences on world language presence, all of which have been rec- ognized as operating at local regional levels, such as in relation to minority languages or endangered languages; however, the role of such factors at a global level remains virtually unexplored. Others are issues affecting language structure: the way in which regional and social factors influence the growth of language varieties and

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Preface to the first edition

It has all happened so quickly. In 1950, any notion of English as a true world language was but a dim, shadowy, theoretical possibil- ity, surrounded by the political uncertainties of the Cold War, and lacking any clear definition or sense of direction. Fifty years on, and World English exists as a political and cultural reality. How could such a dramatic linguistic shift have taken place, in less than a lifetime? And why has English, and not some other language, achieved such a status? These are the questions which this book seeks to answer. The time is right to address these issues. Thanks to progress in sociolinguistics, we now know a great deal about the social and cultural circumstances which govern language status and change, and several encyclopedic surveys have made available detailed in- formation about world language use. There is also an increasingly urgent need for sensitive discussion. In several countries, the role of English has become politically contentious, and arguments have raged about its current and future status. Have matters developed to the point where the rise of English as a world language is un- stoppable? To debate this question, we need to be aware of the factors which will influence the outcome. It is difficult to write a book on this topic without it being inter- preted as a political statement. Because there is no more intimate or more sensitive an index of identity than language, the subject is easily politicized, as it has been in such diverse locations as India,

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Preface to the first edition

Malaysia, and the USA. A detached account is all the more desir- able, and this is what I have tried to write in these pages, partly based on the historical research I carried out for my Cambridge encyclopedia of the English language , but extending this to provide a fuller and more focused analysis of the cultural factors involved. I have thus tried to tell the story of World English objectively, without taking sides on political issues, and without adopting the kind of triumphalist tone which is unfortunately all too common when people write on English in English. But authors should always tell their readership where they stand, when dealing with contentious topics, hence the follow- ing summary. I firmly believe in two linguistic principles, which some people see as contradictory, but which for me are two sides of the one coin.

• I believe in the fundamental value of multilingualism, as an amazing world resource which presents us with different perspec- tives and insights, and thus enables us to reach a more profound understanding of the nature of the human mind and spirit. In my ideal world, everyone would be at least bi-lingual. I myself live in a community where two languages – Welsh and English – exist side by side, and I have cause to reflect every day on the bene- fits which come from being part of two cultures. A large part of my academic life, as a researcher in general linguistics, has been devoted to persuading people to take language and languages se- riously, so that as much as possible of our linguistic heritage can be preserved.
• I believe in the fundamental value of a common language, as an amazing world resource which presents us with unprece- dented possibilities for mutual understanding, and thus enables us to find fresh opportunities for international cooperation. In my ideal world, everyone would have fluent command of a single world language. I am already in the fortunate position of being a fluent user of the language which is most in contention for this role, and have cause to reflect every day on the benefits of having it at my disposal. A large part of my academic life, as a specialist in applied English linguistics, has been devoted to making these benefits available to others, so that the legacy of an unfavoured linguistic heritage should not lead inevitably to disadvantage.

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Preface to the first edition

the Internet. Many other revisions derive from suggestions made by a group of British and American academic reviewers of the typescript, commissioned by my publisher, Cambridge University Press, about ways in which the range and balance of the book might be improved; and English as a global language has benefited greatly from their input. I am also grateful to Randolph Quirk, especially for his suggestions about ways of improving the sta- tistical picture presented in chapter 2, and to Geoffrey Nunberg for comments which have helped my understanding of the US situation, and for sending me some unpublished observations relating to the Internet, for use in chapter 4. For some, of course, the mere mention of any political orga- nization, in the natural history of a project, is enough to bias its content. I should therefore make it very clear that this book has not been written according to any political agenda. I would have written exactly the same work if the initial idea had come from an organization on the other side of the US political linguistic divide. English as a global language simply asks three questions: what makes a world language? why is English the leading candi- date? and will it continue to hold this position? An account of the relevant facts and factors can be of benefit to anyone with an interest in language matters, whatever their political views, and it is this which I hope the book has been able to achieve.

David Crystal Holyhead

xv

ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE

with millions of popular intuitions at a level which had simply not existed a decade before. These are the kinds of statement which seem so obvious that most people would give them hardly a second thought. Of course English is a global language, they would say. You hear it on television spoken by politicians from all over the world. Wherever you travel, you see English signs and advertisements. Whenever you enter a hotel or restaurant in a foreign city, they will under- stand English, and there will be an English menu. Indeed, if there is anything to wonder about at all, they might add, it is why such headlines should still be newsworthy. But English is news. The language continues to make news daily in many countries. And the headline isn’t stating the obvious. For what does it mean, exactly? Is it saying that everyone in the world speaks English? This is certainly not true, as we shall see. Is it saying, then, that every country in the world recognizes English as an official language? This is not true either. So what does it mean to say that a language is a global language? Why is English the language which is usually cited in this connection? How did the situation arise? And could it change? Or is it the case that, once a language becomes a global language, it is there for ever? These are fascinating questions to explore, whether your first language is English or not. If English is your mother tongue, you may have mixed feelings about the way English is spreading around the world. You may feel pride, that your language is the one which has been so successful; but your pride may be tinged with concern, when you realize that people in other countries may not want to use the language in the same way that you do, and are changing it to suit themselves. We are all sensitive to the way other people use (it is often said, abuse) ‘our’ language. Deeply held feelings of ownership begin to be questioned. Indeed, if there is one predictable consequence of a language becoming a global language, it is that nobody owns it any more. Or rather, everyone who has learned it now owns it – ‘has a share in it’ might be more

part of a programme to the consequences for endangered languages (see below, p. 20). The series became available, with extra footage, on DVD in 2002: www.infonation.org.uk.

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Why a global language?

accurate – and has the right to use it in the way they want. This fact alone makes many people feel uncomfortable, even vaguely resentful. ‘Look what the Americans have done to English’ is a not uncommon comment found in the letter-columns of the British press. But similar comments can be heard in the USA when people encounter the sometimes striking variations in English which are emerging all over the world. And if English is not your mother tongue, you may still have mixed feelings about it. You may be strongly motivated to learn it, because you know it will put you in touch with more people than any other language; but at the same time you know it will take a great deal of effort to master it, and you may begrudge that effort. Having made progress, you will feel pride in your achievement, and savour the communicative power you have at your disposal, but may none the less feel that mother-tongue speakers of English have an unfair advantage over you. And if you live in a country where the survival of your own language is threatened by the success of English, you may feel envious, resentful, or angry. You may strongly object to the naivety of the populist account, with its simplistic and often suggestively triumphalist tone. These feelings are natural, and would arise whichever language emerged as a global language. They are feelings which give rise to fears, whether real or imaginary, and fears lead to conflict. Language marches, language hunger-strikes, language rioting and language deaths are a fact, in several countries. Political differences over language economics, education, laws and rights are a daily encounter for millions. Language is always in the news, and the nearer a language moves to becoming a global language, the more newsworthy it is. So how does a language come to achieve global status?

What is a global language?

A language achieves a genuinely global status when it develops a special role that is recognized in every country. This might seem like stating the obvious, but it is not, for the notion of ‘special role’ has many facets. Such a role will be most evident in countries where large numbers of the people speak the language

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